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Another judicial impasse Ruling Muslim Conference splits as AJK president and premier lock horns over the chief justice By Ershad Mahmud The removal of Azad Kashmir Supreme Court's Chief Justice Riaz Akhtar Chaudhary led to a huge political crisis in Muzaffarabad. AJK President Raja Zulqarnain Khan has reversed the decision and reinstated him while Prime Minister Raja Farooq Haider Khan has stated the president has no legal authority to undo his decision.
A code
violated What's in
the pipeline? issue
The ageing
factor
Dissenting
note
crisis Ruling Muslim Conference splits as AJK president and premier lock horns over the chief justice By Ershad Mahmud The removal of Azad Kashmir Supreme Court's Chief Justice
Riaz Akhtar Chaudhary led to a huge political crisis in Muzaffarabad. AJK Other key members of ruling Muslim Conference including Sardar Attique Ahmad Khan opposed the decision and stood by deposed CJ Riaz Chaudhary. The decision not only divided ruling Muslim Conference and pitched the president and the prime minister against each other, but also formed two separate Supreme Courts. It is feared the ongoing political and judicial crisis may further deepen in the days ahead and can even lead to a no-confidence move -- or dissolution of the assembly. The crisis started last week when the Azad Jammu and Kashmir government relieved Chief Justice of the Supreme Court Riaz Akhtar Chaudhary of his duties after filing a reference of misconduct against him in the Supreme Judicial Council in Muzaffarabad. Justice Riaz Akhtar's appointment as chief justice in October 2006 had been challenged by the senior-most judge of SC Justice Manzoor-ul-Hasan Gilani in the Supreme Court of Pakistan on the principle of seniority. The clause 42(8) of the AJK constitution act 1974 clearly states that chief justice shall be appointed on basis of seniority. Justice Gilani has contended before the apex court that Justice Riaz Akhtar was a junior judge and thus not eligible for the CJ position. A similar petition challenging Justice Riaz's appointment was also filed by a local lawyer in the AJK High Court which was virtually quashed on the orders of Riaz Akhtar. He also passed orders that no case could be filed in the high court against SC judges which was also contradictory to the law of land. Riaz Chaudhary's countdown started when a three-member
bench of the Supreme Court of Pakistan had recently started hearing the
Manzoor Gilani's petition. It is expected that Justice Gilani would win the
case due to solid constitutional footing of his argument. It, however, would
be an embarrassment for Islamabad as the government of Pakistan has always
said that AJK is separate and enjoys autonomous status. Initially, the
Federal Law Ministry stated that Supreme Court has no jurisdiction over AJK,
but subsequently it withdrew from its stand.
In the meantime, the Attorney General of Pakistan requested Pakistan SC to let the government settle this case out of court. It was widely perceived that intervention by the Pakistan SC in the internal affair of Azad Kashmir might further erode the so-called independence of the region. Besides, it may send a negative message across the Line of Control that Pakistan is gradually integrating AJK with Pakistan after granting Gilgit-Baltistan a quasi-provincial status. The incumbent AJK Prime Minister Raja Farooq Haider Khan has consistently been arguing for further self-rule of AJK ever since he assumed office in Muzaffarabad last October. He did lobby hard to avoid a volte face in case of Pakistan SC's verdict and argued to find mutually acceptable way out to save the local autonomous rule, but justice Riaz refused to go on leave or resign. Therefore, a 13-page reference was sent to AJK Supreme Judicial Council to examine Chaudhary's misconduct. Several instances of misconduct were cited in the document. Some of them are very interesting and also indicate as to how Riaz Akhtar misused his office during the last three years. The reference says he had formed an unconstitutional monitoring cell in the AJK SC to summon government officials and issue executive orders to advance his personal gains. Unlike the Supreme Court of Pakistan, the AJK SC is only an appellate court and has no jurisdiction to entertain writ petitions. Notwithstanding, Justice Riaz has not only entertained the writ petition, but also issued orders to prime minister of Pakistan not to entertain the orders of the Pakistan SC to replace him, if the SC decides so. Justice Riaz Akhtar had served as Election Commissioner during 2006 AJK elections known as highly controversial in the AJK's history. Former president Pervez Musharraf allegedly engineered the elections in favour of his local protégé Sardar Attique Ahmad Khan-led Muslim Conference, says an analyst on condition of anonymity. It invited huge criticism from the opposition parties and civil society. Justice Riaz, being an election commissioner, facilitated the entire process. His sudden and mysterious elevation to the apex court was widely seen in this context. Some observers believe that he was rewarded for his services during the elections. The Azad Kashmir government has never confronted this kind of judicial crisis in its recent history. It should learn some lessons and should avoid such crisis in future by inducting judges on merit.
The writer is an Islamabad-based journalist and can be reached at rawalakotjk@gmail.com
A code
violated On March 30, 2010, six
women were killed in indiscriminate firing in Karak district of Pukhtunkhwa.
It was neither a case of honour killing The information gathered by TNS from local residents revealed that the incident took place in Spina Banda falling in the jurisdiction of Karak police station. The dispute was between two patriarchs namely Sher Rahman and Muhammad Rahman. On the day of the incident, family members of the former started constructing a wall on the disputed land. Ironically, the construction was entrusted to the female members. Members of Muhammad Rahman's family, who had reportedly already taken position, opened indiscriminate fire on the women of Sher Rahman's family, killing six of them. The killing of women over a property dispute is unprecedented in many respects and has understandably shocked people. Never in the recorded history of Pukhtuns have women been killed randomly and deliberately. It was no accident and the killers shot at the women by design. It appears that targeting of women was premeditated because the attackers must have thought that it was easier to target women than the rival males. The dispute was among the relatives where there are more chances of bargaining over dead bodies. In this respect, it is totally a new social trend. On the other hand, the family whose women were killed seemed to have used women as a shield by handing them the task of erecting the wall. "Yes it appears that the family used the women as shields," said Iqbal Faryadi, President Khattak Ittehad, a community organisation of the area that looks after the local issues. Karak is predominantly inhabited by the Khattak tribesmen of Pukhtuns. Using women as a shield in familial and clannish disputes is unprecedented among the local people. In the light of age-old normative framework, there has always been an unwritten but completely clear agreement between the parties to a dispute among Pukhtuns that they wouldn't harm women. According to the British colonial administrator of NWFP, Olaf Caroe, the writer of the most authoritative and exhaustive book on Pukhtuns, The Pathans, "It is the tradition of Pukhtun tribal warfare not to molest the women and children of the enemy," Therefore, in the Karak incident the age-old societal values have been totally disregarded and women were made scapegoats for material gains At the same time it shows the traditional loyalty of Pukhtun womenfolk to their male-dominated families that they agreed to be slaughtered for the material lust of their men. It is strange that the government has also not taken any action in this regard. No condemnation has come from any minister or political figure, nor have the women rights organisations reacted to the incident. Insofar as the community reaction to the killing of women in Karak is concerned, Faryadi said it was a very condemnable act. "Khattak Ittehad has taken a stern notice of the incident and is organising the community to reprimand the attackers. We would try to ensure that they [the killers] get exemplary punishment." He added that never in the history of the area women were targeted in any incident. Therefore, this is really a serious and sordid affair over which everybody is feeling angry and repentant. Social change is unavoidable in any society and so is the Pukhtun society. However, members and scholars of this society have often tried to prove that their society is impervious to change. This is quite an untenable argument. The incident of women killing should also be seen against the backdrop of changing Pukhtun society. Thus, more than social sanctions, legal sanctions must come into force to deal with the changing society.
What's in
the pipeline? Tehran was in for a big
surprise when it found Islamabad dragging its feet on import of cheap
electricity from Iran to overcome Pakistani officials concerned, quoted by media reports as anonymous sources, had said progress on the Iran-Pakistan energy deals had been impeded for lack of financial resources, absence of required infrastructure and differences over tariff. However, it was US Assistant Secretary of State Robert Blake who came up with truth and disclosed that Washington had advised Islamabad to seek alternatives to the proposed Iran-Pakistan pipeline and other energy deals with Iran. Blake explained that owing to the ongoing dispute between Tehran and the international community regarding Iran's nuclear ambitions, the US is opposed to any large investments in Iranian projects. Pakistan is not ready to import cheap electricity from a neighbour to stave off a crisis that is taking its toll on hapless citizens and dwindling economy just because the US is out to squeeze Iran. The US demand would have been legitimate enough had it acceded to Pakistani demand for civil nuclear energy deal. The Pak-US strategic talks ended without any tangible results, and all the visiting side got were promises aimed at ending the crises facing Pakistan. What was the US wish list will filter through to people at appropriate time – first being the US opposition to energy deals with Iran. The approaching summer may have some frustrating scenario in store for the government and people as the electricity shortfall has already peaked around 5,000 MW during a relevant pleasant April. People are fed up with blackouts and shallow promises by Water and Power Minister Raja Pervaiz Ashraf. Dynamics of protests in Pakistan are changing for the worst with mob turning violent, claiming lives and damaging property. The rising temperatures and choking loadshedding will cause more industries to close and more people to lose their jobs. This import of electricity from Iran, at much more affordable rates than those provided by the Independent Power Producers (IPPs), is a doable option if the rulers wake up to the reality. The proposed gas pipeline project between Islamabad and Tehran is yet another issue on which the Obama administration is toeing its predecessor, George W. Bush. The former administration too resisted the pipeline and exerted pressure on both Pakistan and India to abandon the project. Besides goading Islamabad into action against ghosts of Taliban and al-Qaeda, the Obama administration has also thrown a spanner into energy deals to isolate Iran at the cost of Pakistani energy needs. The US is currently pursuing additional sanctions against Iran in the UN Security Council. Foreign Minister Shah Mehmood Qureshi finally dared shrug off US pressure during an interview with an Iranian news agency, declaring Iran-Pakistan gas pipeline will go ahead. The minister stated, "Pakistan is currently facing an energy crisis and Iran-Pakistani gas project, thus, serves Pakistan's interests." India had also rejected a call from the US to walk away from the pipeline project carrying natural gas from Iran through Pakistan, saying energy security is a priority for its rapidly growing economy. The Indian External Affairs Ministry stressed that energy security was of prime concern to the country and the Iran-Pakistan-India pipeline was an important part of its plans. The 2700-kilometre long pipeline was to supply gas for Pakistan and India which are suffering a lack of energy sources, but India has evaded talks. Last year Iran and Pakistan declared they would finalise the agreement bilaterally if India continued to be absent in meetings. In a major breakthrough on March 20, 2009, Islamabad okayed Iran's pricing formula for gas supplies. According to the project proposal, the pipeline will begin from Iran's Assalouyeh Energy Zone in the south and stretch over 1,100 km through Iran. In Pakistan, it will snake through Balochistan and Sindh, and the route may be changed if China agrees to share the project. The gas will be supplied from the South Pars Field in Iran. The initial capacity of the pipeline will be 22 billion cubic meters of natural gas per annum, which may be later raised to 55 billion cubic meters. The project is expected to cost $7.4 billion.
issue Concerned by the growing
protests in Hazara division against the proposed renaming of the North-West
Frontier Province (NWFP) as At this meeting held in the Chief Minister's House, Hoti declared that the credit for giving a new name to the NWFP should go to all the political parties and not to the ruling Awami National Party (ANP) alone. This again was a belated recognition of the contribution of a number of parties that wanted the province renamed as Pakhtunkhwa. The ANP leadership had hitherto been claiming that getting the province renamed was its achievement. The ANP and the coalition government led by it was celebrating the occasion even before the passage of the 18th Constitutional Amendment by the parliament as only then the change of name of NWFP to Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa would become legal and official. Apart from the ruling ANP and PPP, parties such as the PML-N, Jamaat-i-Islami, Maulana Fazlur Rahman's JUI-F, Maulana Samiul Haq's JUI-S, PPP-Sherpao, Imran Khan's Pakistan Tehrik-i-Insaf and Mahmood Khan Achakzai's Pakhtunkhwa Milli Awami Party (PMAP) were represented at the meeting convened by the chief minister. It was kind of a jirga of elders deliberating issues that concern all the people and all the political parties in the province. This practice was introduced by the six-party religious alliance, Muttahida Majlis-i-Amal (MMA), which ruled the NWFP for five years from 2002-2007, for jointly campaigning for provincial rights, particularly for seeking the NWFP's share in the net hydel-generation profits from the federal government. It often proved effective as politicians from different parties spoke with one voice. The ANP too is now trying this method to show that most political parties supported the renaming of the province as Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa. Chief Minister Hoti stressed this point when he argued that while segments of the population had every right to protest the renaming of the province, they should also follow democratic norms and respect the wishes of the majority. He pointed out that the name Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa was proposed and discussed in the Parliamentary Constitutional Reforms Committee and accepted as part of the political process. The chief minister also highlighted the fact that all politicians irrespective of their party affiliation were attached to the soil of their province. Arguing that he was speaking as son of the soil and not as chief executive of Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa, he said all parties and politicians have to unite to win provincial rights and serve their province. All this talk is sensible and inclusive rather than being divisive, but the problem is that it has come somewhat late in the day. The chief minister and his ANP colleagues are planning to visit Hazara and win over the estranged Hazarawals. They would have to take along with them the PPP leaders also as it was a joint ANP-PPP project to rename the province as Pakhtunkhwa. The PPP in the NWFP has neither celebrated the move to rename the province nor shown much enthusiasm for the idea at the public level. The party is part of the coalition government in the province but it often seems that the ANP alone is running the show. The ANP leaders claim credit for any achievement made by the provincial government and also suffer the consequences if something goes wrong. Even on the issue of fighting terrorism, the ANP has been in the forefront and has had to sacrifice scores of its members in attacks perpetrated by the militants and terrorists. In comparison, the PPP leaders in the province have been less forceful in condemning the militants and some of them have often maintained a meaningful silence to avoid harm at the hands of the terrorists. The most crucial role, however, in pacifying the angry protestors in Hazara division would have to be performed by the PML-N leadership. However, it may not agree to undertake this role if it realises that the reaction by those leading the agitation in Hazara would be hostile. Already, at least one PML-N lawmaker has announced support for separating Hazara from NWFP and making it a new province. Others could follow suit if the campaign for Hazara province gathers momentum. The PML-N leadership could also come under pressure to withdraw its support for Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa and revert to its old demand that a consensus name should be chosen for the NWFP. Though PML-N leader Ahsan Iqbal has made it clear that his party would abide by its commitment to back Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa as part of the constitutional reforms package, the situation could change if the movement for Hazara province turned violent or continued to paralyze life in urban centres, particularly Abbottabad. The campaign against Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa has now turned into a movement for Hazara province with the elderly Sardar Haider Zaman, a former provincial minister and until recently Abbottabad District Nazim, becoming its leader. The focus of the protests that entered the 10th day on April 8 is Abbottabad though demonstrations have also taken place in Haripur, Mansehra and other places. However, there hasn't any major protest in Battagram and Kohistan, the two districts where Hindko speakers are in a minority. In fact, a big majority in Battagram speaks Pashto while in Kohistan the major language is Kohistani, and Pashto-speakers and those bilingual are found in abundance. It is clear that PML-Q politicians and those who suffered defeat at the hands of PML-N candidates in the 2008 general elections are spearheading the protests in Hazara. Apart from other considerations, they see it as an opportunity to settle scores with the PML-N and improve their chances of winning assembly seats in the next general elections. Gohar Ayub Khan's son and former minister of state Omar Ayub Khan, former federal minister Amanullah Jadoon, ex-deputy speaker of National Assembly Sardar Mohammad Yaqoob Khan, Mushtaq Ahmad Ghani, Tariq Khan Swati, Shahzada Gustasap, Nisar Safdar, etc had all lost the previous assembly elections and are now in the forefront of the agitation. However, some leaders of the JUI-F, Jamaat-i-Islami, Pakistan Tehrik-i-Insaf, etc have also joined the campaign after witnessing its strength. Many protestors are Pakhtun by origin or Pashto-speakers, though the majority belongs to the Hindko-speaking communities. It is interesting that no protests have taken place in Chitral, Dera Ismail Khan and other districts where non-Pakhtuns have a significant presence. The ANP, which should have restrained itself while rejoicing the occasion to avoid provoking its opponents, did hold a rally in Chitral and other such places to celebrate the renaming of the province. Its decision to stage such an event in Timergarha, headquarters of Lower Dir district where the Jamaat-i-Islami and PPP are in much stronger position, ended in a tragedy when a suicide bomber sent by the Taliban militants struck and killed around 50 ANP workers and supporters. This area was recovering from Taliban militancy and holding such celebrations in Lower Dir afforded the militants an opportunity to attack the meeting. The situation is still fluid despite the fact National Assembly has passed the constitutional package. The ANP, until now feeling triumphant, has to find ways to achieve its target without antagonising a sizeable chunk of population. Apart from the non-Pakhtuns, it also annoyed ultra Pakhtun nationalists who didn't want addition of Khyber to Pakhtunkhwa. The demand for Pakhtunkhwa was genuine as 74 per cent of NWFP's population is Pashto-speaking and most of them wanted a name for the province that highlighted their identity. The PML-N is in a fix as its insistence on prefixing Khyber to Pakhtunkhwa was a strange move that neither endeared it to Pakhtun nationalists nor calmed down its voters in Hazara. The PML-Q and some other parties see a window of opportunity to bounce back in electoral politics. Politics and self-interest is on the minds of most of the politicians as they try to tackle the issue.
The
ageing factor Though hard to believe,
only 10 percent of the elderly questioned in Punjab are unsatisfied with
their life. But, it is true if we are to Though there is no universal agreement on the age at which a person should be classified as an elderly in developing countries such as Pakistan, people aged 60 and above are placed in this age bracket, whereas in developed countries people aged 65 and above are considered elderly, says the survey The survey report focuses on the health condition and living status of the elderly in the province. It discovers many challenges faced by the elderly in their everyday life, and most of the times ignored by those who are supposed to take care of them. Among other things, the surveyors have found out that more than 80 percent of the respondents in Southern Punjab support old people's homes. Ninety eight percent of all the respondents want their children to take care of them. On health grounds, 27 percent of the respondents from rural Central Punjab suffer from loss of bladder control and 17 per cent from bowel control etc. The respondents have also been asked about their ability/inability to perform activities of daily living such as taking a bath, changing clothes, eating meal, standing up from a bed or chair, walking around house, going outside house and using toilet. Conducted by the University of Gujrat (UoG) in collaboration with the United Nations Population Fund (UNFPA) which also provided the required financial assistance and the Bureau of Statistics, Government of Punjab, the survey involves field teams' visits to around 5,000 households in different parts of Punjab. The team members were supposed to visit the selected areas and seek answers to questions mentioned in standard questionnaires. As per the survey report, it was not an easy task for the field teams to get access to the elderly. On many an occasion, local chowkidars (guards) and senior community members were involved to make it possible. At times it was difficult to extract information from people as they would refuse to participate in the survey and not even open the door, the report adds. Mustafa Nazir Ahmed, editor of the survey report, tells TNS this survey is the first of its kind and highlights the problems faced by the elderly in the country. He says the initiative was taken on the special interest of UoG Vice Chancellor Dr Nazimuddin who is an international expert on population ageing. "As UNFPA is also giving priority to population ageing issue nowadays, it was easy to take them on board and set things rolling," he says, adding, Punjab was selected for this survey as it's the largest province and can provide basis for nationwide surveys. There have been studies in the past but they were not as comprehensive as this one, the survey team believes. For example, in a study carried out by M Afzal in 1994 it was found out that 70 per cent of the elderly helped their families generate income without receiving any cash compensation. The same author did a qualitative study on elderly in 1999 and concluded that the majority of older people in Pakistan wanted to continue working for income. The main reason the elderly cited was that they were losing status in the society and family. In 2002, the government established a high-level National Senior Citizens Task Force to identify the socio-economic and health needs of the elderly, and to draft a comprehensive policy in line with its international commitments. The government also introduced a draft bill in the National Assembly for the establishment of a National Senior Citizens Council aimed at assisting the elderly in their pursuit of a healthy, productive and meaningful life. "The survey findings are expected to contribute significantly to the national policy framework around population welfare," says Ahmed. "The international donors and research organisation have realised that universities are the best places to execute research projects. Previously it would be the exclusive domain of NGOs," he maintains. Ahmed informs TNS the survey is a preliminary one and the findings will be analysed and questioned in the next phase. To a question, he agrees that in some cases the answers are self-contradictory -- "these are preliminary findings which will be tested for credibility in the next phase." He reveals, "One of the problems of such surveys is that people do not want to discuss individual issues in front of community members. For example, one would never say openly that one is maltreated by one's son or daughter-in-law. Extreme care has been taken during the survey to extract answers closest to reality." The survey concludes that overall conditions of the elderly are the worst in Southern Punjab. The survey also finds that even though one-half of the elderly suffer from one or more chronic diseases, the majority of them perceive themselves to be in good health. In addition, the majority of the elderly is not employed and has no independent source of income. Towards the end of the
survey report, the authors have suggested some recommendations which may
appear costly to the government and the policymakers, but make sense. The
increase in age of retirement, establishment of old people's homes, setting
up of recreational centres for the elderly, provision of free health
facilities in hospitals and legislation in the parliament to establish the
Council for Senior Citizens are there to name a few. 18th
Amendment fails to appease most of Baloch nationalists As most of the Baloch
nationalist parties boycotted the last general elections, they had no
representation in the Raza Rabbani-led While the rest of the country is celebrating the constitutional reforms, the Baloch nationalists have completely rejected them. The new legislation was expected to help reduce tensions in Balochistan. However, apart from the National Party, whose two leaders are members of the Parliamentary Committee on Constitutional Reforms, all other major nationalist groups declare they will not accept anything less than the right to self-determination. The new legislation, backed by all mainstream parties, is being termed the most important constitutional consensus after the 1973 constitution. The 18th Amendment removes distortions introduced by successive dictators in the constitution on one hand and grants more autonomy to provinces on the other. After abolition of the concurrent list, a number of powers would be transferred from the federation to the federating units. The new legislation promises 50 per cent share in resources for the provinces. That is almost what most of the Baloch nationalist parties had been demanding until recently when their relations with the federation reached a point of no-return after a military operation was launched in Balochistan. The radical Baloch nationalists, who seek an independent Balochistan, say they do not need any "relief" from Pakistan. "The 18th Amendment or the Balochistan package is a trap for the Baloch nationalists. They want to lure us. We don't want relief. We want freedom," said Khalil Baloch, Secretary General of the Baloch National Movement, the most radical nationalist party in Balochistan. The BNM was the first political party to publicly support the armed struggle waged by Baloch Liberation Army. The party's president, Ghulam Muhammad Baloch, along with his two other comrades, was killed last year in Turbat. The incident stirred violent protests throughout the province, as intelligence agencies were blamed for the killings. "What is the significance of the constitution in Pakistan? A military dictator will come and change it according to his will. The piece of paper cannot stop the Pakistan Army from killing innocent Baloch. Is there any mention in the constitution that the abduction of Baloch is allowed. No! But, hundreds of Baloch are missing," claimed Khalil Baloch, adding: "The 18th Amendment may benefit other parts of Pakistan, but not Balochistan, because it is being ruled as a colony." Senator Hasil Bizenjo of the National Party hailed the 18th Amendment. "It's the biggest achievement since the 1973 Constitution. Mir Ghaus Bakhsh Bizenjo, Khair Bux Marri and Ataullah Mengal could not persuade Bhutto and others despite years of struggle to abolish the concurrent list. It has been done now. So it's a great achievement," said Hasil Bizenjo, Senior Vice-President of the National Party and son of late Ghaus Bakhsh Bizenjo. Hasil Bizenjo is also a member of the Parliamentary Committee for Constitutional Reforms. Senator Dr Malik Baloch, President of the National Party and a permanent member of the Constitutional Reforms Committee, said some, and not all of their demands, were accepted. He said they had demanded Pakistan should be declared a multi-national state and Balochi, Pashto, Sindhi and Punjabi should be granted the status of national languages. This demand was not accommodated. Though he believed the abolition of concurrent list and giving 50 per cent share to provinces on oil and gas resources was a progress in the right direction, complete provincial autonomy was still not granted to the federating units. He said they had demanded that only defence, currency and communication should stay with the centre and other powers be transferred to the provinces. Balochistan has been under the grip of a low-intensity insurgency since 2001. The Baloch militants affiliated with the Baloch Liberation Army, the Balochistan Liberation Front and the Baloch Republican Army have been demanding separation from Pakistan. Other moderate nationalist parties, including Balochistan National Party and the National Party, have been demanding provincial autonomy. The government has claimed the constitutional reforms package will address the grievances of the Baloch nationalists. However, during discussions with the representatives of almost all the nationalist groups, it was observed that the trust deficit between the federation and the Baloch nationalists was so wide that it could not be bridged through promises on the paper. "Why should we believe them? They promised to abolish the Frontier Corps check-posts from Balochistan in the so-called Aghaz-e-Huqooq-i-Balochistan package, but they are still there. My car is stopped daily at three FC checkpoints on my way from office to home in Quetta," said Habib Jalib, Secretary General of the Balochistan National Party. The BNP, headed by Akhtar Jan Mengal, has been considered as a relatively moderate party. However, its stance has hardened with time. It now demands more than provincial autonomy. The founder of the party, Attaullah Mengal, has struggled a long way for the abolition of the concurrent list. Jalib says their party does not demand anything less than the right to self-determination. "Pakistan has failed and its constitution has failed to solve the Baloch issue. We want the United Nations to intervene and play the role of a mediator," the BNP leader added. Interior Minister Rehman Malik had claimed a couple of months earlier that they were negotiating issues with Brahamdagh Bugti, a leading figure of the Baloch insurgency and a grandson of Nawab Akbar Khan Bugti. It was expected that the government had taken Brahamdagh and other Baloch nationalist leaders on board on the constitutional reforms. However, apart from the National Party, none of the nationalist groups was consulted on the issue. "No, there is no contact between the government and Brahamdagh Bugti. The government is not in negotiation with us on any issue," said Bashir Azeem, Secretary General of the Brahamdagh-led Baloch Republican Party.
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President Raja Zulqarnain Khan has reversed the decision and reinstated him
while Prime Minister Raja Farooq Haider Khan has stated the president has no
legal authority to undo his decision. 
nor a terrorist incident, the usual causes of killing of women in recent
times. Rather the cause of the incident was a property dispute, reportedly
between two families.
unnerving energy crunch. Iranian ambassador in Islamabad Masha'allah Shakeri
said he "finds no justification for lack of progress in reaching an agreement
on the matter. I'm perplexed. I can't understand what's wrong with the
Iranian offer." 
Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa, the provincial Chief Minister Ameer Haider Hoti called a
meeting of politicians belonging to all major parties in the province on
April 8 in Peshawar to seek their support as the National Assembly passed the
constitutional reforms bill unanimously. It was a good move but this should
have been done earlier. 
believe the findings of a recent survey, titled "How the Elderly Live in
Punjab".
Parliamentary Committee on Constitutional Reforms that prepared the 18th
Amendment Bill.