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politics Dangers and
possibilities
issue
politics The demand for renaming of the North-West Frontier
Province (NWFP) is old and emotional. While there was near consensus among Suddenly old prejudices and new misgivings surfaced when it was announced that the all-party constitutional parliamentary committee had reached agreement on renaming the province as Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa. Terms such as treason and traitors were heard again and ANP leadership's loyalty to Pakistan was questioned for wanting the province to be known as Pakhtunkhwa. The PML-Q, a creation of military ruler General Pervez Musharraf and now badly split, was accused of exploiting the situation by leading the campaign against Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa and plotting to harm democracy. While most of the political parties represented in the committee supported the ANP stance and favoured Pakhtunkhwa, the word Khyber was prefixed to it on the insistence of the PML-N. Nawaz Sharif and his colleagues were mistaken in believing that addition of Khyber to Pakhtunkhwa would satisfy their considerable number of supporters among the non-Pashto speakers in Hazara and elsewhere. The term Khyber, a mountain pass linking Pakistan with Afghanistan, neither gave identity to the Hazarawals nor anyone else. In fact, the ultra Pakhtun nationalists were also angry with the ANP for making a deal with the PML-N and prefixing Pakhtunkhwa with Khyber. However, they showed restraint and didn't resort to protests that they had threatened. There was no restraint, however, by those opposed to
Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa. For them it was a provocative name that denied their
identity. The opposition to the name-change was concentrated in Hazara
division, notably in Abbottabad, Haripur and Mansehra where Hindko-speakers
are in the majority. Abbottabad, the largest city in Hazara known for its
natural beauty and tranquility, pleasant climate and quality educational
institutions, quickly became the centre of the growing roadside protests.
The remaining two districts in Hazara, namely Battagram and Kohistan, remained largely aloof from the campaign. Rather, both provincial assembly members Shah Hussain and Taj Mohammad Tarand from the Pashto-speaking Battagram district and Mahmood Alam from Kohistan along with Zahir Shah from the neighbouring Shangla district of Malakand division moved a resolution in the assembly asking for the creation of a new division named Abaseen and comprising their three districts. They publicly declared support for Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa and opposed the inclusion of Battagram and Kohistan, where the majority speaks Kohistani dialects, in Hazara province. If these lawmakers truly represent the aspirations of the people of Battagram and Kohistan, then the proposed Hazara province would be confined to just three districts, ie Abbottabad, Haripur and Mansehra. The question would then arise whether Pakistan with its myriad of problems and limited resources can afford to have such small provinces. For eight days there were largely peaceful protests against the renaming of the North-West Frontier Province (NWFP) as Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa and in support of Hazara province. But then the ANP-PPP coalition government in its wisdom decided to impose section 144 to ban gatherings in Abbottabad where the protests were the strongest. It triggered violence and resulted in the death of nine protestors. The deaths caused widespread anger and provided a momentum to the protests. The demonstrations then spread to smaller places such as Garhi Habibullah linking Mansehra to Azad Kashmir, caused closure of traffic at different points on the Karakoram Highway that goes on to Gilgit-Baltistan and China and prompted most political parties and those sitting on the sidelines to join the protests. The ANP-led provincial government argued that section 144 was enforced to prevent any untoward incident as there were fears of clashes between members of PML-N, which wanted to hold a workers' convention in Abbottabad, and PML-Q, spearheading the anti-Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa protests and now enjoying the support of those seeking Hazara province. Instead of making an effort to persuade the PML-N leadership not to hold their workers' convention out in the open in Abbottabad city, the government tried to find an easy way of the situation by banning protests. Rather than deterring the protestors, imposition of section 144 provoked them and resulted in confrontation between them and the police. The police resorted to firing to disperse the mobs attacking them and public and private property. But as it turned out, the cops also fired into the crowd, hitting many protesters and caused the deaths of at least nine people. Dozens of protestors were wounded. The mobs attacked at least two police stations, ransacked and burnt public property and looted shops including one selling arms and ammunition. Young men ruled the streets and there were complaints that Pakhtuns were harassed and ordered to raise slogans such as "Aik hi naara, Suba Hazara" (Only one slogan, Province of Hazara). The situation calmed down after the three-day mourning announced by the action committee headed by the elderly politician and former provincial minister and Abbottabad district nazim Sardar Haider Zaman. Often referred to as Baba due to his old age and long and flowing white beard, Haider Zaman is now calling the shots and trying to control the situation. He and his colleagues forced the provincial government to remove the Deputy Inspector General of Police, Hazara region Syed Imtiaz Altaf and the District Coordination Officer, Abbottabad, Munir Azam and replace them with Dr Mohammad Suleman and Syed Zaheerul Islam. The action committee reportedly also wanted removal of the Commissioner Hazara and District Police Officer and filing of murder cases against the top civil and police officers for the killing of the nine protestors. The government also ordered release of arrested protestors on the demand of the Hazara Province action committee. However, it is the third demand of the action committee that is tricky and not easily acceptable. It wants separation of Hazara division from Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa and creation of Hazara province. This would need a constitutional amendment and support of all major political parties to obtain two-thirds majority. Supporters of Hazara province contend that there could be the 19th constitutional amendment after the 18th to pave the way for creating the new province. While PML-Q is in the field promoting the cause of Hazara province, the PML-N has been forced to support this demand as it now seems to enjoy popular support among the Hindko-speaking majority in Abbottabad, Haripur and Mansehra. The PML-N leadership has come to the conclusion that opposing this demand would deprive it of support in its Hazara stronghold, where it defeated the PML-Q in the 2008 elections and from where Nawaz Sharif was twice elected as an MNA. In fact, two provincial lawmakers, Qazi Mohammad Asad and Gohar Nawaz Khan, who won as independent candidates and joined the ruling ANP later to be on the right side of the powers that be, have also moved resolutions in the assembly seeking creation of Hazara province. Qazi Asad, who is also a provincial minister and is a political opponent of Gohar Ayub Khan's family in Haripur, didn't take the ANP leadership into confidence while demanding Hazara province and could face disciplinary action. While creating new provinces at this stage may not be
feasible as it would open a Pandora's Box and trigger demands for new
provinces for Seraiki-speaking people in Punjab, Pashto-speakers in
Balochistan and Urdu-speakers in Sindh. There is already a demand for making
FATA and Gilgit-Baltistan full-fledged provinces. It is possible that at some
stage the provinces would have to be redemarcated and turn into smaller
administrative units in response to the aspirations of the people and for
better administration and governance. As an immediate measure, the wishes of
the people of Hazara would have to be taken into account by coining a name
for NWFP acceptable to them, removing their other real or imagined grievances
concerning exploitation of Hazara at the hands of the dominant Pakhtun
majority belonging to the Peshawar valley, and making those accountable who
had a role in causing the deaths of protestors in Abbottabad. It would a test
of the statesmanship of the ruling elite to come up with a solution that is
acceptable to the parties to the renaming dispute.
Dangers and possibilities Environment experts watching the steadily rising water
pressure in Hunza River, which has been blocked by massive landslide since "The increasing water pressure and continuous seepage -- 23 cubic per second -- has the potential of breaching the massive debris, which has blocked the natural flow of the Hunza River for three kilometre," fears Civil Engineer Musharaf. "The downstream effect of an immediate breach would be unimaginable, as the Tarbela Dam is the backbone of Pakistan's economy, agriculture and hydropower. Due to the loose nature of the debris, which at its lowest point is 100m above the riverbed, and in the absence of any controlled spillway, this landslide dam may fail without any warning and can carry massive sediment (debris) along," Musharaf maintains. The debris blocking the Hunza River is mainly fine-grained sediment, boulders and pebbles which do not have the capacity to support this dam much longer. "The force of water can destabilise massive deposits and cause extreme devastation downstream," says energy expert Arshad Hussain. He rejects the idea of making it a permanent lake or dam in its present form. "In case the dam created by the debris breaches, flash floods with a height of between 60 to 80 feet would create disaster along the embankments of the Indus River," he warns, arguing the Indus River is one of the world's largest rivers in term of water sediment loads. "Massive debris of Hunza river would have serious impact on Tarbela Dam, as it could completely dislodge the vast delta which dramatically expanded over the past decades at the mouth of the Indus." Nevertheless, deputy commissioner Hunza is very confident
that no damage to the property, including Tarbela Dam, would be caused. He is
not willing to accept the views of some of the experts who fear that Hunza
Lake is like a living bomb, which can explode any time. "We have already
minimised 40 percent risk factor by giving the water a smooth and natural
way," he assures.
The inhabitants of village Sarat (Attabad) faced doomsday when a massive landslide hit the entire valley, killing 19 villagers including women, children and cattle. Millions of fruit trees were washed away. KKH between Attabad and Gojal is destroyed. Now there is no road linkage between the two areas on KKH. Goods and people are being transported through boats as the river has formed a 14 km-long lake. Frontier Works Organisation (FWO), with the help of district management and Chinese engineers, is trying to protect the nearest population and property by constructing reservoirs and spillway to channel water and reduce its pressure. However, the authorities are of the view that the lake would not be emptied completely. "It is rather impossible now to restore the river to its actual position as rocks have blocked the way and if we blast these rocks, it would create havoc," a Chinese engineer tells TNS, suggesting the authorities should make a new road between Gulmit and Attabad as the previous road has been completely inundated. Families, including sick people, can be seen standing in queues waiting for their turn to get a boat to reach their destinations at both ends of the almost 15 km long and 250 feet deep lake. "We left our home at about 7am and it took us almost 7 hours to reach other side of the lake through an army boat," says Gulyasmin and her two little school-going kids. Mohammad Essa Khan, 35, who had gone to Gulmit village to see his ailing mother, informed TNS there is acute shortage of food and medicines on the other side of the lake even though the army helicopters are dropping supplies. "The rates of eatables, especially flour and edible oil, have sky rocketed due to shortage," he adds. Despite all odds, unprecedented trade activities are also witnessed on both side of the lake. Millions of goods can be seen lying presenting the look of mini Pak-China trade centres. The goods which are being transported by local traders from China are being dumped at Gilmit from where these goods are transported to Attabad by private boats. There are seven private boats, which are brought from Khanpur Dam (Haripur) picnic spot by two businesspersons of the area for transportation of goods between Gulmit and Attabad. They are making easy bucks daily. "We charge Rs1000 per 40 kg goods from Gulmit to Attabad," Rashid Ali, who owns two boats, tells TNS. However, he refuted the report that they are also taking passengers between Gilmit and Attabad and charge them heavily. "Since we are not carrying life jackets, hence we cannot take any passenger. We transport goods only," he assures. The villagers of Attabad and adjacent areas have found a new way to earn money while working as porters. "Each porter charges Rs40 per pack from the boat to the trucking station, which is about half kilometre down the road from boating stations," says M. Yasin, a local trader of Gilgit. "The rate of everything will be going very high naturally in the main market as we are bearing extra charges in the shape of fare of boats, fees of porters besides other charges of transportation of goods from Sust border to Gilgit." Interestingly, a local villager has opened a small tea stall at the lake and is earning good money. "I am selling 100 to 150 cups of tea and rice to the visitors who visit the lake daily," says Gull Ali, adding he is pocketing about 300 to 400 rupees daily. Home Secretary Gilgit Baltistan, Asif Bilal Lodhi, has ruled out the chances of any immediate threat. "We have taken all possible measures to safeguard lives and property. DC Skardu is monitoring the situation and is in full control of the situation. We have evacuated a few families from the danger area and also installed alarm system at various points. FWO and other organisations are working at the site day and night to give water a safe passage without creating any untoward situation," he concludes.
issue Despite many challenges, hundreds of Afghan students
daily cross the Torkham border to reach Pakistani schools in the Khyber According to schools' administration, almost 300 Afghan children, who are not accommodated in the border town of Bacha Mina, daily cross Torkham border into Khyber Agency to seek education. The students, including boys and girls, hail from eastern Afghanistan's Nangrahar province. Three private and a government-run schools at Bacha Mina, a small border village at Pak-Afghan border near Torkham, have been providing modern science and technical education to the Afghan children for the last 20 years. Several Afghan families from the districts of Lalpura and Mohmandarra of Nangrahar province had migrated to Bacha Mina in the early 1980s when Soviet forces invaded Afghanistan. At that time only one government primary school for boys was set up that could accommodate only 120 students. With the passage of time, in 1995 and onwards, three
other private schools, namely Oxford Public High School, Pak International
School and Sarhad Public High School were set up by the Shinwari locals to
facilitate the Afghan children coming to Bacha Mina for education. These schools have already accommodated more than 1,200 Afghan children, including 300 girl students. The Afghan students come daily from Dakha, Sarband, Goroko, Gardi Ghus, Ghazai, Lower and Upper Basawal and Hazar Nao villages of Mohmandarra and Lalpura districts to attend classes in Pakistan. The number of Pakistani schoolchildren studying in these schools in Bacha Mina is very small as only a few Pakistani families were living on the Torkham border. The Afghan students are facing several problems while travelling a distance of nearly 35 kilometres to seek education in Pakistan. The schools' staff revealed to TNS that despite many odds Afghan students have excelled in the different fields of professions. Naqibullah, 14, a disabled student of Sarhad Public High School studying in grade-7, expresses satisfaction over the education imparted to Afghan children in the Pakistani border town. These Afghan students demand the Afghan and Pakistani governments provide them the facility of transport. Talking to TNS, Noor Syed Shinwari, the principal Oxford Public High School, said his school was started by Shafiq Shinwari, the grandson of legendary Pashto poet Hamza Shinwari, in 1995. Noor Syed claimed they were providing standard education to the Afghan students on very reasonable charges, adding orphans and poor Afghan students are given free education. Gul Mat Khan, a student of grade 6, tells TNS he struggled very hard to convince his poor parents to support his studies in the Pakistani schools. Listing his hurdles in the quest of education, he complains the border security personnel question Afghan students a lot when they cross border. Dunya Khan, another student of grade-2, says he comes from Goroko village every day after walking five kilometres to reach the main Torkham-Jalalabad road from where he takes public transport to reach his school. He says he leaves home every morning at 6am to reach the school at 8.30am. Aasia, an Afghan student of class KG, says she comes from Lalpura, some 15 kilometres west of Torkham border, along with her elder brother. She says her parents want her to become a teacher and open up a school in Lalpura village. Zeshan, a student of grade-4, works as labourer after his school time at Torkham border. Grade-7 student Wajid, 13, who also works as a porter at Torkham border, says he is an orphan and sole breadwinner for his family comprising his mother, sisters and brothers. Schoolteacher Maulana Muhammad Sami says 50 percent of his school students are also working on the border as luggage-bearers to earn some money for their poor families. Abdur Raziq, principal Pak International High School, urges the two neighbouring countries to provide a common bus service for the Afghan students. "We can produce brilliant students who will be the builders of Afghanistan," Raziq claims. Major Noor Muhammad, Afghan Gate Commander, says they have forwarded a written request to Pakistani authorities for the smooth movement of schoolchildren, adding he has directed his personnel to help the students cross border unhampered. The Pak-Afghan border is a unique place where children belonging to one country cross over the border into another country to acquire education.
Art of medical reporting There was a time when the media covered the issues but
today the media itself has come under scrutiny. This debate began in a Both media and doctors are in the news again and not in a positive way. After Farzana Bibi's death in Lahore, the relatives clashed with the doctors on duty blaming them of showing negligence that led to the patient's death. The media was called in and the cameramen tried to forcibly take footage of the 'negligent' doctors. The cameramen, reportedly, wanted to forcibly take video bites of the young doctors. This led to a severe clash and the young doctors went on strike after this and the emergency wards stopped entertaining patients for days on end after this clash. After the government's involvement, there has now been a patch-up between the doctors and the media and a committee has been formed to develop work ethics and code of conduct for the media reporting in the hospitals. The committee, headed by Punjab health secretary, is supposed to make the Standing Operating Procedure (SoP) at the earliest. As the issue of doctors' negligence gained strength in the Pakistani media, private and public health facilities think the media is not checking facts and figures. However, there is a mechanism to solve such complaints and media has a definite role if the patient or relatives approach without being judgmental. Dr Syed Mansoor Hussain, senior cardiologist who has served in America for almost 30 years, tells TNS, "Legally, media is not allowed to talk to patient or relatives in the US. Private intrusion of media is not allowed in the hospitals. And this is for the security and protection of the treatment of patient as safeguards. Also, doctors and administration are supposed to share all things with the patient and the relatives." "If there are complaints, patient's family has a right to go to the media but this way they talk to doctors and administration without any force," he says. Dr Mansoor is of the view that these issues are called "growing pains." "This young media will take time to establish maturity. But as a medical educationist, I, like others, must also accept some responsibility for not teaching our young doctors the art of medicine." Media bodies are also a part of the committee which is formulating a code of conduct and SoPs for the working of media in the hospitals. I H Rashid, veteran journalist and thrice elected president of the Pakistan Federal Union of Journalists (PFUJ), has a different opinion. He says with the expansion of media, especially electronic media, the very nomenclature of journalist has changed. "Because now the cameramen and assistant cameramen (linemen) are also considered "journalists" which frankly speaking does not seem right. The definition of a journalist was different previously but now the journalist unions and media bodies have included cameramen in the category of journalists," he says. "Now, they should also focus on their training, ethics and code of conduct. Despite all odds, media needs to be tolerant, patient and balanced." "Training has a great role in it but the PFUJ is doing efforts to push them for learning work ethics in this era of competitiveness. The competitiveness does not mean that we should lose our temper or we should be judgmental and personal,"Rashid says.
A true revolutionary It was the year 1970 when I first met Syed Sibte Hasan. I
was a First Year student of BSc (Honours) in the department of The hall was jam-packed. A couple of days after the Katrak Hall meeting I went to see Sibte Hasan at EFU office at Qamar House, Merewether Tower, where he worked as director Public Relations. I sent a slip in his office through a peon and was summoned immediately. I introduced myself and proposed that we want to organise small meetings of writers and intellectuals in poor localities. He was very pleased and immediately agreed to attend. In those days I used to live in the lower middle class locality of Liaquatabad and it was decided by our comrades that the first such meeting will be held there. Nawaz Butt who was senior to us got permission from the deputy commissioner to hold the meeting on a street in C-I Area, next to my house. We rented 100 chairs at discounted rate because the decoration man was a sympathiser of our cause. We also rented a microphone and a powerful bulb. We got a banner printed and one of our friends climbed the majestic Siras tree on the road and fixed it so that people knew that a meeting was being held there. It was a hot and humid evening and when I arrived there with Sibte Hasan, he was taken aback. "Ye aap kahaan le aaye hean?" he said in his soft, cultured voice. Perhaps he thought the meeting would be held in a house. Amongst the speakers was Sibte Hasan, my uncle Prof. Mujtaba Husain, Anis Hashmi, Dr. Abdul Hayee Baloch, then a student leader, and Mustafa Turabi, a leader of Popular Front of the Liberation of Palestine (PFLP). We had also invited Prof. Mumtaz Husain who could not come. It was a meager affair; the entire meeting cost Rs60. The audience mainly comprised of local people who knew little about literature. I remember one of them felt no embarrassment in sitting on a chair with a vest and a dhoti. The meeting at Liaquatabad was the beginning of a long, productive association. I came close to him and would often visit his house in Block 6, PECHS, opposite Soviet Information Department (now Friendship House) where he lived in a rented house. It was here that I met Sibte Hasan's buddy and eminent artist Prof. Shakir Ali. Sibte Hasan was married but lived alone. I remember that when I proposed a study circle, he would come all the way from PECHS to Afsar's home in Nazimabad along with notes. Perhaps he was working on his famous book Musa Se Marx Tak in those days. In 1971 when a military operation was underway in former East Pakistan (now Bangladesh) and the government of General Yahya Khan was planning to observe the 2500th anniversary of Iranian dynasty, I suggested that we should write a pamphlet against Gen. Yahya. Prof. Jamauluddin Naqvi, the then leader of the underground CPP said: "Tum he likh dalo." Excited about the task, I wrote it in my mundane language. The pamphlet was distributed and I, along with several other comrades, was arrested. Sibte Hasan immediately wrapped up the study circle because of apprehensions that there might be more arrests. In 1972 we were released when Pakistan People's Party (PPP) leader Zulfikar Ali Bhutto assumed power. In the early 1970s when NSF was showing signs of disintegration, we organised Young Writers' Forum and Sibte Hasan was always pleased to help us out. We did some wonderful functions, including a meeting at Theosophical Hall, Karachi, in memory of Pablo Neruda and Salvador Allende, an All Pakistan Mushaira at Katrak Hall, Karachi on May Day where luminaries such as Faiz Ahmed Faiz, Habib Jalib, Muneer Niazi, Suroor Barabankwi, Himayat Ali Shayer, Mohsin Bhopali and Fahmida Riaz recited their poems. We also held regular meetings at Ghalib Library, Nazimabad and amongst others our guests were Ismat Chugtai, Ali Sardar Jafri, Kaifi Azmi, Faiz Ahmed Faiz, Dr. Akhter Hussain Raipuri, and of course Sibte Hasan. I remember when Young Writers' Forum decided to hold a meeting on Gorki, at Ghalib Library and we were eager to invite Dr. Akhter Husain Raipuri who had translated "Mother," Sibte Hasan wrote a sentence on his visiting card "Akhter, ye naujawaan adeeb hein, in ki madad zaroor karo" and asked me to go there. Sibte Hasan was always passionate. He loved the youth and got inspiration from them. In fact, he loved all beautiful things, including women, books, art, literature, music and poetry. He was fond of cricket and would watch cricket matches keenly on his black and white TV. He had played tennis in his youth and was also a good swimmer. In 1974, I was thrilled when I came across an article "Bhagat Singh and his comrades" in a book written by Indian communist leader Ajoy Kumar Ghosh that had I thought the article should be translated in Urdu. Luckily, our friend Javed Mushtaq who now lives in the States had an Urdu version of the article, published in the form of a pamphlet in India. I went to Sibte Hasan and requested him to write a preface to that article since we were keen to get it published. In the beginning he was reluctant and said he knew little about Bhagat Singh but on our persuasion he wrote a wonderful preface. The booklet was published by Malik Noorani of Maktaba-e-Daniyal. Thousand copies cost us a mere 800 rupees. The title was made by Bhashaam, our artist friend, free of cost. Proof reading was done by Javed Mushtaq. Unlike dogmatic communists, Sibte Hasan was vibrant throughout his life. He was potent and creative and wrote more than a dozen books and thousands of articles but remained humble. He was a committed revolutionary but the revolution he dreamed of was bloodless. He would quote Sajjad Zaheer, the doyen of Progressive Writers' Association (PWA) and the first general secretary of the CPP, that revolution was like playing violin. He also had a great sense of humour. Once I went to his office and saw Prof. Eric Cyprian sitting there. I had heard lot of Cyprian but had never met him. I was introduced. Then the three of us came to his house in Gulshan-i-Iqbal and had lunch. Cyprian told him he had married a young woman. Cyprian must be 65 by that time. Sibte sahib remarked, "Very fertile!" and went to his room for a nap. Once I went to his house while he was having his dinner. He invited me but I refused politely and said I had already had mine. He said, "Mein to rooz akela khana khata hoon! Aap kha lein." I was shocked. One of our giant intellectuals was essentially a loner. Sibte Hasan studied at Muslim University, Aligarh and at Columbia University, New York. Eminent psychoanalyst and sociologist Erich Fromm used to send him his books. He was the central committee member of the CPP after the creation of Pakistan and was imprisoned and tortured. He also remained jobless but he never complained. He died on April 20, 1986 after a cardiac arrest in New Delhi where he had gone to attend a conference of Progressive Writers' Association. In the death of Sibte Hasan, the communist movement in Pakistan, no doubt, lost one of its best sons.
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politicians and everybody else that the province needed to have a new and
proper name reflecting the identity of its people, there wasn't any unanimity
of views on the terminology. 
January 4, 2010, near Attabad, fear the rising lake is posing a serious
threat to human lives, besides causing damage to Tarbela Dam and property
along Karakoram Highway. Authorities in Gilgit Baltistan are, however,
confident enough that there would be no immediate danger to human lives,
property or even Tarbela Dam.
Agency. The government and public sector schools in the Torkham border town
of Bacha Mina are playing a tremendous role in imparting education to Afghans
as more than 1200 children from kindergarten up to grade 10 are enrolled in
Pakistani schools located close to the border.
pitched battle between the media and the doctors in a clash between the two
parties in Jinnah Hospital of Lahore on March 31.
physiology at the University of Karachi and quite active in left-wing student
politics of National Students Federation (NSF). Nawaz Butt, a leader of
erstwhile National Awami Party (NAP) and the then underground Communist Party
of Pakistan (CPP), had organised a meeting of intellectuals and writers at
Katrak Hall, Karachi. Faiz Ahmed Faiz and Syed Sibte Hasan were the main
speakers.