The struggle for Pakistan: economic dimension

By Aftab Ahmad Khan

Tdecline and fall of Muslim political power in the sub-continent of South Asia in the 18th century was attributed by the great reformer and sage Shah Waliullah, among other causes to the emergence of a parasitic feudal class, which constituted a heavy burden on the public exchequer. The presence of this privileged class which made no productive contribution to society resulted in mass resentment against the rulers.

Sir Syed Ahmed Khan’s analysis of the causes of the 1857 revolt highlighted the economic causes of the upheaval. In this context he referred to factors such as the smothering of indigenous crafts, the unbridled greed of moneylenders, large-scale unemployment and the planned exclusion of Muslims from higher administrative posts, which had created a milieu of discontent.

After the revolt of 1857, the British became quite hostile to the Muslims from whom they had conquered a large part of the country, Lord Ellenborough had written in 1848: “It seems to me to be most unwise when we are sure of the hostility of one-tenth, not to secure the enthusiastic support of the nine-tenths who are faithful. I cannot close my eyes to the belief that this race (Muslims) is fundamentally hostile to us and therefore our true policy is to conciliate the Hindus”.

Sir William Hunter in his book “Indian Musalmans” candidly admitted the anti-Muslim stance of the British policy in these words: “After the Mutiny the British turned upon the Musalmans as their real enemies.” He then goes on to mention at considerable length, how the Musalmans especially in Bengal had been suppressed under the British government, how they had been deprived of power and position, how their education had been starved and how their educational endowments had been despoiled. He pleaded for justice to them.

In the post 1857 period, there is ample historical evidence to prove that economic collaboration of the Hindu business interests with the British conquerors contributed to the economic backwardness and distress of the Muslims.

Allama Iqbal, our national poet and philosopher, was acutely conscious of Muslim poverty in the subcontinent and wanted the Muslim League to formulate a programme for its eradication. In one of his letters to Quaid-i- Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah (dated May 28, 1937) he articulated his views on the economic crisis of those times in the following terms: “The problem of bread is becoming more and more acute… The atheistic socialism of Jawaharlal (Nehru) is not likely to receive much response from the Muslims. How is it possible to solve the problem of Muslim poverty?

Happily there is a solution in the enforcement of the law of Islam and as further developed in the light of “modern ideas” (via Ijma and Ijtehad or modern contemporaneous interpretation and consensus). It is clear to my mind that if Hinduism accepts social democracy, it must necessarily cease to be Hinduism. For Islam, the acceptance of social democracy in some suitable form and consistent with the legal principles of Islam, is not a revolution but a return to the original purity of Islam.”

The father of our nation, Quaid-e-Azam, had a progressive economic outlook. In the course of his presidential address to All India Muslim League in Delhi in April 1943 he said: “Here, I would like to give a warning to the landlords and capitalists who have flourished at our expense by a system which is so vicious, which is so wicked and which makes them so selfish that it is difficult to reason with them. The exploitation of the masses has gone into their blood. They have forgotten the lesson of Islam. Greed and selfishness have made the people subordinate the interests of others in order to fatten themselves. It is true we are not in power today. You go anywhere in the countryside. I visited some villages. There are millions and millions of our people who hardly get one meal a day. Is this civilization? Is this the aim of Pakistan? (cries of ‘no, no’). Do you visualize that millions have been exploited. If that is the idea of Pakistan I would not have it. If they are wise, they will have to adjust themselves to the new modern conditions of life. If they don’t, God help them. We should not help them.”    

At the thirty first session of the Muslim League at Karachi, a resolution moved by Mr. Z.H. Lari was passed which authorized the President (Quaid-e-Azam) to “appoint a committee with power to prepare a comprehensive scheme for a five year economic and social uplift which should include: State industrialisation in the Pakistan Zones; the introduction of free primary basic education; reform of the land system; stabilisation of the rent, security of tenure; improvement in the condition of labour and agriculture; and control of money lending.”

Quaid-e-Azam’s firm resolve to ensure the removal of poverty in Pakistan is also reflected in what he told the League workers who met him in Calcutta on March 1, 1946. When asked about the economic policy of future government of Pakistan, he said he had no sympathy for the capitalists. He further added: “I am an old man; God has given me enough to live comfortably at this age. Why should I turn my blood into water, run about and take so much trouble. Not for the capitalist surely, but for you the poor people. In Pakistan we will do all in our power to see that everybody can get a decent living.”

Economic aspects of the Pakistan movement were also perceptively discussed by Prof Cantwell Smith in his booklet, ‘The Muslim League (1942-45), he wrote: “The situation now is that the anti-communalist cry is being used by Hindu reactionaries to cover a programme of exploitation. This can be understood only at the level of economic development. By now the earliest and the most powerful capitalist group, which may be called “Hindu” for lack of a more precise name, has developed to a point where it is ready to dominate the entire country. Recently these Hindu middle classes have not only been seeking to free themselves from foreign imperialist subjection, but have also been seeking more to control and exploit the whole of India. They want to sell their goods, invest there money, to find lucrative positions and to extend their culture over as large an area as possible.”