interview
"I support the idea of 'One Afghan' throughout Afghanistan"
Laiba Yousafzai
Sarwar Ahmedzai was born in 1968, in Logar Province of Afghanistan. He belongs to a well-known tribal family in the south. When the Soviet Union invaded Afghanistan in 1979, Ahmedzai's family left the country and sought refuge in Pakistan and stayed here for almost a decade.

On another 14 August, I am tempted to ask the same old questions related to just how 'free' we really are. Quite apart from the obvious indicators of our long-standing problems is the question of where modern-day 'development' is taking us. Pervez Musharraf insisted that Pakistan is progressing because there are more cars on the road and an exponential increase in mobile phone usage. I think it is time to ask whether such 'development' is instead a symbol of modern-day slavery.

Young people today have very little understanding of the ideological debates that raged throughout the 20th century. Capitalist consumer culture has been universalised and substantive criticism of this culture in the mainstream is hard to come by. In the industrialized countries there is an ecological critique but the link between unbridled consumerism and the environmental imperative is underemphasized.

In third world societies such as Pakistan young people are just as prone to consumerism as anywhere else in the world. In fact, the consumer culture that prevails in third world societies is arguably more damning than in industrialised countries. This is because capitalists create consumer markets for luxury goods and services even while a majority of people remain deprived of necessities. Thus, one observes daily the perverse spectacle of children without access to primary and secondary education wandering the streets with the latest mobile phone.

Needless to say, capitalists cannot be counted upon to correct this most absurd contradiction, because their concern is only with their profit margin, not with social justice. Governments, including ours, remain unwilling and/or unable to break with capitalist orthodoxy, and, at best, secure limited reforms within the confines of the system. This is why some experts argue that responsible consumerism is the answer to the quandary.

However, the experiment with responsible consumerism does not get to heart of the problem, which is a much bigger one than the morality of individual choice. Capitalism is an economic, political and cultural system all at once and there is no question of it being replaced, or even substantively reformed through a conglomerate of individual consumers. It should not be forgotten that corporate social responsibility was one of the catchphrases of the responsible consumerism movement and the debacle continuing to unfold in the financial world suggests just how successful this movement has been in securing meaningful change.

Behind the culture of consumerism lies the ideological crisis of 21st century society. One does not have to be a socialist or communist to appreciate the intellectual and cultural richness that was a consequence of the challenge to capitalism that Marxist-inspired political-economic systems provided. The end of the cold war brought with it self-indulgence about capitalist modernity that will surely have to be reigned in as the century progresses. Already humanity has witnessed the destructive wars of the Bush years and then the unprecedented global financial collapse. If capitalist thought, culture, politics and economics is not subject to serious challenges in the near future, more such calamities are in store for us.

Where this challenge will come from is open to debate. The self-fulfilling prophecy of the "clash of civilisations" means that revivalist ideologies are becoming ever more popular. Religion is the staging ground for cultural and political revivalism, which is why these ideologies offer a very crass critique of capitalism, rather than a bonafide philosophical basis to construct an alternative to it.

In countries such as ours, capitalism and revivalism go together. To the extent that young people are attracted to ideological politics, the only major contender is Islamism of various kinds. Consumerism tends to be counterpoised to an ascetic religious life, which is in some ways as one-dimensional a 'challenge' to capitalism as the responsible consumerism movement mentioned above. Of course Islamist ideologues assert ad nauseam that Islam is a mukammal zabta hayat (complete code for life) but all of the existing models of Islamist politics offer no meaningful challenge to capitalist culture, politics and economics.

It is more than likely that new and evolving challenges to capitalism will both resemble and be substantively different from the experiments of the 20th century. The fundamental logic of capitalism remains the same as it always has been and therefore the political and economic bases of any challenge to it are therefore likely to share fundamental similarities to the Cold War challengers, albeit with substantially more emphasis on democratic control/management of resources.

Culture is the realm with which more serious engagement is required. For example, how does prevailing culture inhibit challenges to authority? Alternatively, what aspects of indigenous culture can help strengthen a politics of emancipation. Does transcending capitalism have to mean doing away with everything associated with the 'past'?

These important questions require serious introspection. It will take time to develop the critical mass of intellectuals and political activists necessary to address these philosophical debates head-on. If we are blighted with revivalist trends on the one hand then there is also a segment of thinkers in our societies that tend towards a complete rejection of 'tradition', to the point of dogmatism.

In the first instance, on the 62nd anniversary of Pakistan's creation, even acknowledging that the answer to our myriad crises is not simply in idealising 'development' but in recognizing that there is much more to life than the latest model of Toyota or Nokia. This is not to say that fulfilling the basic needs of all Pakistanis is not central to a politics of emancipation but only that building a society beyond capitalism requires more than just satisfying material needs.

In today's Pakistan, young persons in urban areas -- including those from poor backgrounds -- are socialised to become individualistic and materialistic. Even in rural areas, this trend is growing fast. Capitalism is not the answer to Pakistan's problems. Those who think that it is would do well to remember that capitalism -- in some shape or form -- has been spreading its tentacles in society for a long, long time and we are where we are today because of it. Surely, we need something different.

For the first time in the 62-year history of Pakistan, the Baloch celebrated August 11 as the Baloch Independence Day in several districts of Balochistan.

The call for August 11 celebrations was given by Khan of Kalat Mir Suleman Daud Khan from London, where he has been living in self-exile for the last one year. While talking to a group of newsmen on telephone, Khan of Kalat appealed to the Baloch people to celebrate August 11 as their national day and August 14 as the black day.

"Kalat had an independent status before independence. It became independent on August 11; like Pakistan did on August 14 and India on August 15. But after seven months, the state of Kalat was forcibly annexed to Pakistan on March 28, 1948. The misfortune for Baloch started from that very moment," he said.

Khan also announced the launch of the Council for Independent Balochistan (CIB) on August 11. He said that the Council will comprise Baloch separatists and heads of organisations and political parties struggling for Baloch independence from both Pakistan and Iran. He rejected the possibility of a dialogue with Pakistani rulers in the absence of a powerful third party like EU or UN. The names of the Council members will be announced later.

Late Mir Ahmad Yar Khan, the grandfather of present Khan through an instrument of accession with Quaid-e-Azam as Governor General formally annexed the Kalat state into Pakistan against the wishes of the tribal notables.

In different districts of the province, such as Quetta, Mustung, Kalat, Awaran, Gwadar, Kechh, Punjgoor, Naushki, Kohlu, Dera Bugti and Kharan Baloch celebrated the independence by hoisting tri-colour flags on top of roofs and hills. Flags were also hoisted atop government colleges and school buildings (even though they were closed for summer vocations). As local newspapers reported, gatherings were held in the Sariab area of Quetta, where the Baloch anthem was sung and flags were displayed. Cases of aerial firing at midnight were also reported.

Frontier Corps Balochistan, entrusted to maintain law and order in Quetta and some restive districts, arrested over 70 persons for displaying the Baloch national flag, while two persons were booked for torching the Pakistani national flag from Quetta. "We made proper arrangements for August 11, keeping in view the announcement made by the Baloch miscreants to observe the day as the independence day. We were able to avoid trouble in the province," said Shahid Nizam Durrani, the DIG operation Quetta.

However, he admitted the occurrence of two incidents of rocket attack and bomb blast in the outskirt which killed three policemen and two civilians.

It must be pointed out that the Baloch have been singing the anthem and displaying the flag on government school and college buildings since the abduction and killing of three Baloch leaders in Turbat, allegedly by the security forces on April 8. Six principals and teachers were killed in June for refusing to hoist the Baloch flag and singing the anthem in their schools and colleges. A school building was attacked with a hand grenade in July in Quetta when the school administration hoisted the national flag. But, the grenade caused no significant loss; except breaking the window glasses.

"This is a big achievement. The first time the Baloch agreed to celebrate Aug 11 as the national day. They must be congratulated," said Brahamdgah Bugti, the head of the Baloch Republican Party in a press statement.

The marking of August 11 as the independence day and August 14 as the black day may become a permanent feature in Baloch history due to the blunders the government and the security forces have been making in tackling the Baloch issue. The intelligence agencies and FC have whisked away thousands of political workers besides killing hundreds of others to suppress the Baloch nationalist forces. Military operation continues in a number of areas mainly Kohlu, Dera Bugti and Turbat. The security forces have been unable to suppress the Baloch separatists in the last nine years. In fact, it has in some ways strengthened the separatist movement.

The PPP government seems hesitant to bring the nationalist forces, if not the separatist, on the negotiating table and in announcing some confidence building measures on issues such as withdrawal of forces, the missing persons and releasing those implicated in terrorist activities -- except releasing some nationalists including Sardar Akhtar Mengal and Shahzain Bugti.

No one can gauge the trauma experienced by the survivors, relatives and neighbours of the Mithadar building collapse tragedy on July 31, 2009. They lost their dear ones in an accident which could have been avoided.

There are hundreds of such buildings in different locations of Karachi that need to be carefully examined and evaluated. The construction of additional floors without proper design and approval, substandard construction materials and lack of expert supervision is common in large-scale buildings constructed in low income localities and old city centre. Informal developers with rudimentary knowledge of construction and building trades are the most active stakeholders in this dubious enterprise. As they largely deal with clientele of the same rank and profile, the quality of building remains unchecked. Professional engineers and architects are not hired for such projects. It is normally believed that the professional fee of such incumbents is a needless cost. Drawings are signed by incompetent architects and engineers.

At present, building control is a contested matter between local and provincial government. The building and town planning regulations were initially framed under the provision of Sindh Building Control Ordinance, 1979. They remained enforced for more than two decades. In spirit, the regulations were prescriptive in nature.

But the government decided to revise these regulations during 1997-98. After a lengthy process of review and consultation, several committees appointed for the purpose gave their recommendations to the KBCA and Housing and Town Planning Department of the Sindh Government. The revised regulations were notified in 2002. However, the spirit and format of the new regulations did not change. It is vital to note that these bylaws became inadequate due to rapid institutional changes that followed as a consequence of enforcement of the Sindh Local Government Ordinance 2001 (and the devolution plan) as a whole.

The merging of Karachi Development Authority and its Master Plan and Environmental Control Department was an important event. In the new situation, the devolved KDA is a part and parcel of CDGK while KBCA is a body working under the provincial government.

In the present politics of confrontation, it is not likely to have congenial working relationship between CDGK and KBCA/provincial government. Thus the issue of enforcement of building regulations continues to suffer.

It may also be noted that the building regulations cover a fraction of the total urban area of Karachi. The ill-planned structures in Gulistan-e-Jauhar, M.A. Jinnah Road and Saddar represent the institutional disharmony of the worst kinds. Unless these institutional relations are streamlined, little improvement can be achieved. Litigation and strict penalising measures may not generate the desired results due to several ambiguities remaining in the system.

Many larger issues directly affect the overall building construction activity and violations related to it. Whereas the city has an approved master plan, not all the public organisations care about it. A large number of agencies, mainly cantonments, do not follow the city government's writ on the issues of development -- thus creating multiple standards as an outcome. For instance, the city government tends to restrict high rise development in the main areas under its control. On the contrary, the Cantonment Boards do not exercise any restriction in controlling them. The land use data required as a baseline for enforcing any kind of regulations does not exist. Diversity acquired in the building types and utility pattern is also not accounted for in the new regulations.

In the light of the prevailing scenario of development and management, several points need a serious consideration. The government must articulate its stand on the future of local government that hangs in balance at present. The co-existence of SLGO, 2001 and SBCO, 1979 may be re-examined to streamline the conflicts and duplications. The Master Plan Group of Offices needs to be revamped to undertake its essential task of planning in a technically proficient and socially appropriate manner. This wing of the CDGK should coordinate with building control functionaries as was done in the past. It shall however be vital to note that necessary legislative changes will be needed to make this change administratively viable. The CDGK must take up scrutiny of building stock on scientific basis on priority.

This may help synchronise the emerging realities of Karachi with the ongoing attempts towards enforcement of regulations. Building regulations need to be further revised to accommodate the changes and diversities in developmental trends. Instead of resorting to prescriptive byelaws, a pilot project may be launched to enact performance-based byelaws. For this purpose the principle of incentive zoning should be applied. Additional floor construction and similar violations must be closely examined to eradicate building problems. Unless the government departments do not rise up to the gravity of this emerging scenario, tragedies like Mithadar will continue to haunt us.

Repeated incidents of alleged blasphemy leading to violence have, once again, put the limelight on the debate on the discriminatory and controversial blasphemy laws promulgated by military dictator Ziaul Haq in 1986.

The most recent of these incidents include the burning of as many as 20 houses and murder of one Christian in a Christian settlement in village Korian in central Punjab on June 29. In Gojra at least 70 houses were burnt and eight Christian were killed in a Christian Colony in reaction to the blasphemy allegations levied on Talib Masih in Korian on August 1. In another incident in Muridke on August 4, a Muslim leather factory owner was tortured to death while his factory almost destroyed by his workers on the allegations of 'blasphemy' (including one death of a worker during firing). On August 5, some men attempted to attack and burn the house of a 60-year-old woman in district Sanghar, Sindh, over the alleged desecration of the Holy Quran followed by the attempt to burn the police station of the area where she was taken.

The reaction of the extremist Muslim mobs in these areas and their attacks on the accused communities and persons in the presence of police -- an agency supposed to maintain law and order -- in almost every incident shows how weak the state machinery is against these intolerant mobs taking law into their hands. Police, sadly, believe that trying to stop such mobs is even more dangerous.

Out of these four incidents, Gojra was the most horrific. The tragedy, ultimately, forced the rulers and civil society of the country to pay a visit of the area to see the results of that shameless day when more than 2,500 Muslims -- with the leading role of banned religious outfit Sipah-e-Sahaba Pakistan -- attacked the Christian colony without any justification. Prime Minister of Pakistan Syed Yousaf Raza Gilani, who also visited the place last week, expressed grief and announced to review these blasphemy laws to stop their misuse.

Importantly, before the enactment of 295 A, B and C, in Pakistan Penal Code (PPC) by military dictator Ziaul Haq as a 'service' to Islam, there was existence of only 295 in PPC. The section 295 is meant to stop the sacrilege of a place of worship. "Whoever destroys, damages or defiles any place of worship, or any object held sacred by any class of persons with the intention of thereby insulting the religion of any class of persons or with the knowledge that any class of persons is likely to consider such destruction, damage or defilement as an insult to their religion, shall be punished with imprisonment of either description for a term which may extend to two years, or with fine, or with both" was the only law before 1986.

The sub sections A, B and C further defined the blasphemy including separate but capital punishments for hurting religious sentiments including uttering bad words about companions of prophet Muhammad (pbuh), his descendants, defiling and desecration of the Quran, and lastly, death sentence on uttering derogatory remarks against Prophet Muhammad. In the attempt to 'Islamise' the society, General Ziaul Haq also enacted Section 298 in the PPC fixing capital punishment for Ahmadiyya community members (which were declared non-Muslim in 1974) if they declare themselves Muslims in the society, read or recite the Quran and pay homage to Prophet Muhammad.

The enactment of above mentioned laws, resultantly, opened another dark chapter in Pakistan's history; defaming the country internationally. These laws are misused mainly for two reasons: to settle personal scores or take over the property of the accused.

Our country's history is abundant with examples of abuse of these controversial laws. But, in most case investigations revealed that dispute over property triggered violence. For example, in 2005, dozens of houses of the Christian community and their churches were gutted in Sangla Hill, Punjab. In 2007, 84-year-old Walter Fazal Khan was charged of blasphemy in Lahore by his adopted Muslim son -- for the possession of house and shops. The accused was acquitted by the court later saying the case lodged against the victim was fake.

In another example, four teenage children of Ahmadiyya community in Layyah were jailed for about six months in early 2009 because of a property dispute.

The first procedural amendment in Criminal Procedural Code (CrPC) was made by Pervez Musharraf bounding at least a high rank police official (superintendent police) to investigate the matter before registering the blasphemy case. Unfortunately, this amendment, which was lauded initially and failed to bring justice for not one case since 2004 has been investigated by an SP before the First Information Report (FIR).

Mainly, there are two reasons: First was the lack of interest of high-ups and second, the more obvious one is the tackling of the agitated Muslims who violate the law. So far, police have been lodging FIRs without investigation to pacify the violent mobs.

In the abovementioned circumstances it is hard to believe that the government will be able to amend or review these laws without proper homework. Particularly, it seems almost impossible in the ongoing wave of extremism and threats of the Taliban in the country.

The civil society and minorities have been demanding the repeal of these laws. But not much heed has been paid to their demands. Meanwhile, the government must sensitise public on the issue.

vaqargillani@gmail.com

At last, there is an air of relief for women. In its latest session of private members day, the National Assembly of Pakistan passed a bill aimed at curbing domestic violence against women and children. The bill will now be presented in the Senate; and after approval it will be sent to the President. One can only hope that there is no further delay.

There was always a need expressed for outlawing domestic violence in Pakistan. This heinous crime is endemic in Pakistan. According to a report published ten years ago by the Human Rights Watch, it was found that 90 percent of women in Pakistan have been subjected to verbal, sexual, emotional or physical abuse within their own homes.

For many, such a figure may sound a gross exaggeration; but the reality is that the perception of what constitutes domestic violence and with whom it does is grossly misrepresented. A common myth associated with domestic violence is that it may only exist in the lower strata of society, where women are constantly subjected to physical violence. Such an association with a specific class is incorrect.

According to 'Zeest', a programme of Rozan NGO that works on gender-based issues, "domestic violence exists in every socio-economic class" and that "it cannot be justified" on any grounds. Justification of violence against women is reported in exceptional cases: when either a man is unable to control his anger or a woman is disobedient.

Such "justifications" are common when it comes to gender issues. While gender is one of the human's many inherent identity, it is the most divisible too. Also, any rebellion against the existing structure includes rebellion against defined boundaries. For instance, the police are often found not reporting a case of domestic violence for being a private matter. Instead, they advise the women to rethink their decision.

Fortunately, the present bill, titled Domestic Violence (Prevention and Protection), aims to do so by defining domestic violence as including, "but not limited to "all intentional acts of gender-based or other physical or psychological abuse committed by an accused against women, children or other vulnerable persons, with whom the accused person is or has been in a domestic relationship."

In the international realm, while hatred on the basis of race, nationality, etc. is quoted as a reason for asylum, gender is not. It was just recently that American President Barrack Obama announced a policy of giving asylum to women who have survived domestic violence; however, the conditions to such asylum are very strict and based on the assumption that she cannot survive in her home. Nonetheless, it is an important move. Earlier, he even announced the creation of a new post: White House's adviser on violence against women.

Compared to the US, the institutional response in Pakistan has been slow. For instance, the Ministry of Women's Development is not run by a full-time minister. Perhaps, the under-funded ministry is not a covetous position to be appointed to.

So, the National Assembly effort to table the bill on domestic violence is worthy of praise. While no one would deny the importance of legislation, the need for more administrative and executive actions to emancipate women is strongly felt.

"I support the idea of 'One Afghan' throughout Afghanistan"

Laiba Yousafzai

Sarwar Ahmedzai was born in 1968, in Logar Province of Afghanistan. He belongs to a well-known tribal family in the south. When the Soviet Union invaded Afghanistan in 1979, Ahmedzai's family left the country and sought refuge in Pakistan and stayed here for almost a decade.

Ahmedzai received his Bachelors degree in Political Science and Law from Edward College, Peshawar. For Masters in International Relations and, later, a degree in Law, he enrolled at University of Peshawar.

In 1990, Ahmedzai was elected central chairman of the Afghan Student Union. Three years later, he was leading a delegation mission to Afghanistan to broker peace between the rebel warring factions of the then-president Rabbani and prime minister Gulbadin Hikmatyar. He also arranged meetings strongly opposing the infighting of the warring factions.

Ahmedzai officially announced his candidacy on May 06, 2009, for president of Afghanistan. He is banking on support from tribal and moderate religious labour force and young leaders. Following are the excerpts from an exclusive interview:

The News on Sunday: If you are elected president of Afghanistan, will you be able to assure your people that NATO and American troops will leave the country?

Sarwar Ahmedzai: NATO or other foreign troops will leave as soon as peace and security prevail in Afghanistan. But as long as security problems persist the withdrawal of NATO forces will result in a new civil war in Afghanistan, as Taliban will be fighting with other warlords who are still in the government or seize control over their respective territories.

I am for foreign troops once we have a complete political settlement of the problem. However, I do not approve of the aerial bombardments of the villages and the killing of our civilians (at the hands of the foreign troops).

TNS: How will you ensure the role of women in the economic development of your country?

SA: Women constitute over 50 percent of our population. During 30 years of war, Afghan women have suffered the most. My administration will provide equal job and educational opportunities to girls and support different women rights organisations, too. Adequate share will be given to women in my administration, including three cabinet members, five governors and 10 ambassadors, in addition to a fixed-quota job system (for women) in every single ministry and agency.

Once the women are given their due and proper share in the government and public sectors, their economic wellbeing will improve drastically.

TNS: How do you hope to help the orphans of Afghanistan?

SA: There is no doubt that Afghanistan is home to many orphans and widows due to our 30-year long history of war. In this regard, special orphanage care shelters will be set up in every province to assist and improve the lives of the orphans. Besides, special attention will be given to education and healthcare. Upon their graduation they will be guaranteed jobs. They will be treated as a special section of the society, with a strict audit and social care system to make sure these orphanages are decently run.

TNS: How will you strike the balance between the two major sects -- Pushtoons and Daris?

SA: I am all for 'One Afghan', as it was viewed in the pre-Soviet invasion era. All Afghans will be respected regardless of their ethnicity, religion, culture, language and gender.

TNS: How have you planned to deal with the young Afghans who have been living abroad since long? What plans do you have to bring them back in the mainstream of Afghan economical and political programme?

SA: In the last 30 years, two generations have grown up in different cultures and environments. Most of the young people have done well in different countries. Due to security issues in Afghanistan, they may not easily be convinced to return home. But my administration will assure them of security, well-paid jobs and shelter.

Young people, especially those who have good skills, are the backbone of the Afghan society and they will be held on to, at all costs. These young people will be trained in different economic, political, social and civic spheres of the country.

TNS: How hopeful are you that a strong democracy can bring change in Afghanistan knowing fully well that democracy in the true sense is a distant hope for Afghans?

SA: There is no doubt that the most important thing we need in Afghanistan is peace and security. Once peace and security prevail in the country, economic development, women's rights, rule of law, provision of basic amenities and national unity will be possible.

Having said that, peace can only return to Afghanistan when the people elect their true, honest and sincere leaders. Democracy can teach the Afghans that they are the rulers and that they can decide the fate of the country and not the warlords or other mafia. Democracy can change the fate of this country economically.

TNS: The relations between Pakistan and Afghanistan have remained strained at different points of time; however, there is a strong bondage of customs, people, history and language. Are you in favour of strengthening these links?

SA: The people of Afghanistan and Pakistan share thousands of years of common history, language, culture, religion and borders. A few bad apples, who strained the relationship for a few years, will not affect the age-old friendship between our people.

Pakistan has been a shelter and host to millions of Afghan refugees for three decades. Sixty percent of our food comes from Pakistan, sixty five percent of our business and trade is done through Pakistan via the 1963 ATTA agreement. Over 53,000 people cross the open borders between Afghanistan and Pakistan on daily basis without visa and passport.

My administration will have unprecedented friendly relationship with Pakistan. All doubts and mistrust will be removed and a new era of friendship and good relations will begin.

TNS: How strong is your belief that the peace in Pakistan is related to the peace in Afghanistan and vice versa?

SA: As I mentioned earlier, both countries are related culturally and socially and they share common unregulated borders. Peace and security in the two countries will affect them both, as it has happened in the past. Pakistan and Afghanistan face a common and shared security problem. Therefore common approaches to security complications will be preferred.

TNS: Do you agree that the people across the borderland, especially the Pushtoons, have always supported the people of Afghanistan in times of need?

SA: Some Afghan leaders in the past exploited the common man first in the name of religion when there was a civil war, then on the basis of language, culture, creed and the Shiite and the Sunnis. But I see a very promising and hopeful future for both the countries once my administration takes over.

TNS: What is the main reason of infighting amongst the Afghans?

SA: The Afghans, due to their strict code of conduct and culture, are easily inclined to fight. They do not like invading forces or foreign forces. Of course, there are times when the Afghans have fought among themselves, too. With the rising of the new generation, education and economic development, I am positive that all Afghans will live in peace and tranquillity with one another, as well as with their neighbours.

TNS: How do you foresee the future of the Afghan children?

SA: Two generations of Afghans grew up in war times and are not educated. Poverty and unemployment have always resulted in security problems, especially in a country where the availability of guns and ammunition is common. I believe with good socio-economic management of an effective and pragmatic administration, this problem can easily be solved -- by setting up vocational training institutes for those who grew up uneducated.