terror
The day Karachi burnt
The bomb was orchestrated to go off in the middle of Karachi's biggest Ashura procession and plotters took advantage of every loophole in the security apparatus to wreak havoc
By Urooj Zia
The deadly Ashura blast on MA Jinnah Road, coupled with the ensuing rioting, laid bare the absolute ineptitude of the security, civil defence and rescue mechanisms of Karachi.

Replicas for crime
The affordable Chinese cell phones without IMEI number come with ample security risks
By Suhail Akhter
Cheap Chinese cell phones may be easy on the consumers' pocket but a strain for law enforcers, who say, phones may facilitate criminals and terrorists -- as they lack an identification number to trace calls.

A symbol of political awakening
Mohammad Ali Jauhar passed away on January 4, 1931, leaving a heritage of actions and written words
By Dr Noman Ahmed
Brainy but firebrand Mohammad Ali Jauhar was undoubtedly the epitome of awakening amongst the Muslim polity in the subcontinent during the early twentieth century. He chose a most thorny path to attempt towards his goal – emancipation of the masses in general and Muslims in particular from the clutches of British imperialist rule. From a pedestal of weakness that Muslim proletariat constituted, Maulana Mohammad Ali challenged the tenets of most powerful edifice of British Empire in a fearless expression. His unwavering voice became the symbol that eventually led to political awakening amongst the dejected and disorganised peoples of undivided India.

Love it or loathe it, the Pakistan People's Party is difficult to ignore if you are a Pakistani. Ever since it was conceived in the late 1960s, it has been part of the national conscience and the political landscape. Pakistan's principal political stakeholders, genuine (citizens) and self-styled (establishment), have never been able to settle the debate about the significance and impact of the party. It's a duel that carries on albeit many have started arguing that the current milieu may finally settle it, thanks to the state the party finds itself in.

The fortunes of PPP have been no less uncertain as that of Pakistan. It has ridden the crest of popularity and power and has been crushed electorally and written off quite a few times now. No wonder it has to be contended with, not ignored. The results of the February 2008 general elections helped the party resurrect itself a fourth time from the ashes of forced ignominy stretching over a decade. But nearly two years down the road and the party has become an embarrassment for even its own voters and supporters. The party's chief, Asif Zardari, smells conspiracy and has been crying wolf for some months now, ignoring more pressing priorities such as good governance and actual rather than perceived political conciliation.

What went wrong this time for PPP? Is Zardari right? Is the party experiencing déjà vu linked to its last two stints in power and premature ends? The answer is as tricky as proving the bona fides of the problem is awkward. Are unseen forces out to scuttle the mandate of PPP a fourth time? In 1977, the party was ousted in a military coup shortly after winning a near landslide election. In 1990 and 1996, the party's government was brought down through political machinations before even half way through the mandated five years.

The otherwise quiet Zardari's charged – some would say hysterical – public speeches in recent weeks seem to indicate something is wrong somewhere. He senses political demons out to force out his party from power again and derailing democracy while his detractors see a man – and a party – scared of their own shadows and crying wolf too many times to remain credible. Whether he wanted it or not, Zardari, who is astonishingly at variance with the publicly stated stance of his party's prime minister on the same issues, is forcing even the supporters of PPP to wonder if he is not their punishment, rather than pride.

And yet, like the PPP itself, Zardari's chargesheet against unnamed but thinly disguised opponents – the establishment, the United States and militant and terrorist groups, whom he characterises as non-state actors – cannot be dismissed lightly. The PPP has served as a vehicle to transition to democracy each time military dictatorships brought the country to its knees and collapsed under their own weight. The PPP was elected by the people in elections held after the long military rule by the Ayub-Yahya combine. It was again elected in 1988 after another long military rule by General Zia. In 2008, again after a long military spell by General Musharraf, it was elected to help with the transition to democracy.

However, despite the public mandate each time to help the country return to democracy and popular politics, the PPP has never been traditionally allowed to deliver. In 1977, the party was thrown out by the military and its leader – the country's first elected prime minister – hanged. In 1990, barely two years into its 5-year mandate, the party was thrown out with active, admitted support of the intelligence agencies backed by the military. In 1996, again barely two years into its 5-year tenure, the establishment swung into action and manoeuvred its overthrow.

Zardari is now hinting that there are threats to democracy and conspiracy to undo the public mandate again and he leaves little to the imagination as to who is principally involved – the establishment and its lackeys, including the militant groups that want it to stay on its toes defending itself and dealing only with day-to-day governance rather than implementing five-year policies promised in the manifesto.

How true this is, is open to debate but putting oneself in Zardari's shoes shows the view thus: on the brink of a sensational electoral party victory and political rehabilitation after over a decade in wilderness, its leader Benazir Bhutto was killed in, ostensibly, first an attempt to cancel the elections, and then to pre-empt the inevitable. After he tried to change the system – too fast, too soon and too alone – he has been threatened with a technical ouster, the NRO (the story isn't over yet).

In at least four instances over the past several months, the establishment transparently butted in to pre-empt major policy decisions by the PPP: (i) declaring India a non-enemy (by Zardari) in an attempt to pave the way for greater deployment of troops on the western border with Afghanistan; (ii) agreeing to send the ISI chief to India to answer questions over the Mumbai terror attacks; (iii) formally putting the control of ISI to the civilian fold (the interior ministry); and (iv) beefing up procedures to strengthen civilian control over military appointments and aid disbursals under the Kerry-Lugar aid law. On each of these four attempts by the PPP, the establishment either forced the government to itself reverse its decisions or publicly rebuked it. All this is as strong an indication that the establishment is re-asserting its control over the civilian polity as ever.

The problem is that Zardari refuses to address his own party's weaknesses before attempting to change the system. He is rightly worried about threats to his life – he realises that he is a thin substitute for a genuine Bhutto until his son is ready to assume the mantle formally. Zardari also understands that if something happens to him both Bhuttoism and, in all probability, the PPP will be dead.

The trouble is that Zardari is going the wrong way asserting Bhuttoism and the PPP's goodwill and political might. He is looking back at the past for comfort in order to survive, whereas he needs to make new friends now – how suicidal to not be happy with a 'friendly' opposition – and marshal the political forces through keeping his word. In a single stroke implementing the Charter of Democracy will not only force Nawaz Sharif to put in his lot with Zardari and PPP (the only other two parties that matter – ANP and MQM – already support it), but also help prop up Benazir's legacy for long enough to give room to Bilawal to replace him in the next elections.

PPP needs to stop playing the victim (even if it is one). Zardari's and PPP's solutions lie in the present, not the past (Bhutto and Benazir) or the future (Bilawal). He should stop being a leader (of PPP) and become a statesman. He should drop fear and try hope, implement the Charter of Democracy, remove the 17th Amendment, allow greater provincial autonomy and let Prime Minister Raza Gilani run a clean and lean government. Then at least he would have tried and failed. And then at least history will treat him kindly.

Afghan Taliban, currently engaged in secret talks with the United States, want their acceptance by the US as a genuine resistance movement fighting to end foreign occupation of Afghanistan as well as its removal from the list of global terrorist organisations.

Taliban have many other conditions as well for a negotiated settlement with withdrawal of US and Nato troops from the country and handing over its control to the followers of Taliban supreme commander Mulla Omar.

However, they (Taliban) believe the removal of tag of a terrorist outfit would be a good omen for 'productive talks' with the Obama administration, a dialogue that could pave way for durable peace in Afghanistan. In the face of rising Taliban insurgency and considerable increase in the number of its soldiers' casualties, the United States started reaching out to Taliban in mid-2008 through friendly states like Saudi Arabia and Pakistan. According to diplomatic circles in Islamabad, the first round of these talks was held in Makkah in September 2008.

"The talks and the subsequent rounds of negotiations in the months to follow were held with former Taliban leaders like Wakil Ahmed Mutawakil and Abdul Hakim Mujahid with a hope that they would be able to prevail upon Mulla Omar to lay down arms. But, the talks could not yield positive outcome," said an official here privy to US-Taliban talks, requesting anonymity.

The new and significant development was the inclusion in talks of Taliban leaders close to Mulla Omar, the source said, declining to identify those people. He said the Taliban leaders were in contact with mediators like London-based Abdullah Anas, son-in-law of Abdullah Azam, a widely respected Islamic scholar, who fought alongside al-Qaeda Chief Osama bin Laden in Afghanistan against the former Soviet Union. He was killed in Peshawar in 1989 in a car bomb blast.

As for conditions other than US troops' withdrawal and removal of the Taliban movement from UN terror list, the Taliban leadership has conveyed to the Obama administration that they want the release of their prisoners from Afghan jails and the US detention centres at Guantanamo Bay and Bagram Airbase (Afghanistan).

The United States, on its part, wants the Taliban to shun the path of violence and join the political process in the country. "One US demand is that Taliban disown al-Qaeda and sever all its contacts with bin Laden and his followers," said the official. He said Taliban were willing to extend assurance to Washington that no one including al-Qaeda would be allowed to use Afghan soil for anti-US acts of subversion.

"These demands, for both sides, are very difficult to meet in toto and that's why they and their Saudi and Pakistani facilitators are facing a daunting task to reach some negotiated settlement. But, what is encouraging is that talks are underway despite all these odds and genuine Taliban leaders are participating in the parleys," he said.

An Islamabad-based foreign diplomat, requesting anonymity, confirmed that the US authorities have established contacts with Taliban through friendly nations like Saudi Arabia and Pakistan and this initiative is fully backed by UK. Asked why the United States has opted for dialogue when it has decided to send 30,000 additional troops to Afghanistan taking the number of foreign forces to well over 150,000, he said it was in 2008 that US authorities decided to engage Taliban in talks owing to heavy cost of war.

"The troops' surge ordered by the US president is meant to bring the Taliban, bolstered by their recent military advancements, under some pressure and force them to enter into meaningful negotiations," he said. And if the talks fail than these troops could be used for a decisive blow against Taliban insurgents, he added.

"On the other hand, the Taliban too know very well that despite all their recent achievements they cannot win over the United States militarily so it would be a prudent thing to talk to Americans from the position of some strength, which they are enjoying now," he said.

The diplomat said that brainstorming had already begun in Washington about the likely post-US troops' withdrawal scenario. "One thing that is currently being looked into is whether different Jihadi organisations, which are currently the Taliban allies like Hizb-e-Islami of Gulbadin Hikmatyar, would still be united when the US forces are withdrawn or they would again start fighting each other as they did in the past, when the soviets withdrew from Afghanistan," he said.

He said even the most influential militant commander Jalaluddin Haqqani, whose network was considered to be the most deadly and effective among the Afghan resistance organisations and right now is part of the Taliban movement, had his own separate identity and could opt for different course when war with US and Nato forces was over. Future of the Karzai government was also a cause of concern, he added. He said the Hikmatyar-led Hizb-e-Islami could also be included in peace parleys.

Time is running out for Washington and its allies in Afghanistan. It was none else but senior Nato officials in Kabul, who in a recent media briefings, admitted Taliban militants have spread their influence across the country. A Nato official revealed that in 33 out of 34 Afghan provinces, Taliban have established a shadow government.

Noted Pakistani analyst, Ahmed Rashid, tells TNS that a US-backed dialogue between the Karzai government and Afghan Taliban would be a good exercise. "I am not aware of any such talks, but yes it would be a good thing," he thinks. He says there will have to be a 'give and take' during the talks and a new situation will have to be created which can help resolve the conflict," he says.

However, some analysts believe that any settlement between the United States and Taliban would have negative fallout for Pakistan. Brig (retd) Mehmood Shah said there was every possibility that negotiations between Taliban and US could be going on. He said that the US-Taliban talks could have negative impact on Pakistan. "Any development in Afghanistan affects Pakistan and the US exit before durable peace would be problematic for Pakistan," Shah said.

He said he was not opposed to dialogue as the US policy based on use of force alone could not resolve the security issue in Afghanistan. However, he said the United States must go for the stabilisation of Afghanistan before leaving the region, adding stabilisation of Afghanistan would lead to regional stability.

The deadly Ashura blast on MA Jinnah Road, coupled with the ensuing rioting, laid bare the absolute ineptitude of the security, civil defence and rescue mechanisms of Karachi.

At least 40 people lost their lives in the blast alone, while more than a hundred were injured. Around 2,500 shops were burnt down in the rioting that followed, causing a loss of approximately Rs 30 billion.

While these numbers in themselves seem staggering, the incident was not entirely unexpected. Two days before Ashura, a smaller blast had rocked through a Muharram 8th procession in Paposh Nagar; the very next day, on Muharram 9th, another blast temporarily derailed another Shia procession in Qasba Colony, a predominantly Pakhtoon area in Orangi Town. The Qasba blast was quickly brushed aside by the security agencies as a problem with gas pipelines in the area. Despite these incidents, coupled with others that have marked all of 2009 around the country, one wonders why the authorities concerned did not deem it appropriate to "do more" to protect citizens.

To say that the Ashura blast was well-planned would indeed be an understatement. The bomb was orchestrated to go off in the middle of the biggest procession in the country and the plotters took advantage of every existing loophole in the security apparatus designated for the procession - and loopholes there were several. One young man who had gone to the procession with some relatives said that one could join the procession at two points, the second being near Boulton Market. "There were no scanners or checkposts at this entrance," he told TNS breathlessly, around 30 minutes after the blast. "Secondly, they usually use sniffer dogs. We saw none this time around. I spoke to some policemen who were around, and they said that a majority of the "Nafri" had been siphoned off towards Garhi Khuda Bux, for the security of VVIPs who were commemorating the death anniversary of Benazir Bhutto."

Thus, the security of many was sacrificed for the comforts of a few. As news channels broke the terrible news on Monday evening, text messages started trickling in from friends, telling the receivers to "be careful". Then news started pouring in of relatives, friends, co-workers and acquaintances who, by virtue of being close to the epicentre of the blast, were either injured - in varying degrees - or dead. The initial death toll of five slowly rose as those who were critically injured at the site breathed their last while being treated at hospitals.

As if this were not enough, rioters took to the markets and residential areas around the site of the blast, plundering and burning at will. At first, the Azadaran were blamed for this. One heard how, unable to control their emotions, they had wrecked havoc on the surrounding areas. The destruction, however, was too "systematic" to be the result of "uncontrolled emotions". Participants of the procession said that even smokers among them were not allowed to carry lighters and matchboxes. While it is expected that some may have slipped through the checkposts, the arson and destruction of Boulton Market was, in the words of one eyewitness, "on a grand scale". Sources in the fire department later disclosed that Phosphorus fire-starters had been used for most of the fires; the remainder were ignited using cans of petrol. One cannot, by any stretch of the imagination, expect participants of an Ashura rally to carry Phosphorus or petrol cans with them.

Much to the disappointment of shopkeepers in the area, law-enforcement personnel, instead of engaging the rioters, kept a safe distance, and in some cases even hid, if eyewitness accounts are to be believed. "Our shops and warehouses did not burn down. They were allowed to be destroyed," some grieving businesspeople told TNS.

Ironically, even though a city government-run fire station is situated within five minutes of the arson sight, fire tenders did not get to the spot for the next hour-and-a-half. Even then, they allegedly came with insufficient water, and without the foam which is essential for dousing chemical fires. All in all, fire-tending operations did not begin in earnest until 2 am - six hours after the arsonists had done their worst.

Moreover, CCTV footage released on Wednesday showed that the arson itself was pre-planned and the blast allegedly served to trigger it. Clumps of young men had been hiding in the bylanes around the procession route -- as to how they got there, and why they were allowed to remain there is up for question. Within minutes of the blast, they had left their posts, broken into nearby weapons' shops, and then used these guns to attack law-enforcement personnel posted in the area. Once this was accomplished, they went around, coolly breaking into shops and warehouses, robbing some merchandise and setting fire to the rest. It took them less than an hour to destroy some of the oldest historical buildings in Karachi.

More sickening, however, were the ensuing reactions and statements of some politicians. Muttahida Qaumi Movement (MQM) chief Altaf Hussain went ahead and acted as judge, jury and executioner, and endangered the lives of thousands of Pakhtoon in Karachi when, within hours of the blast, he "appealed" to them to stop harbouring Taliban. The Awami National Party's reaction was saner, in that it condemned the perpetrators of the blast and the ensuing violence. Interior Minister Rehman Malik took to harping about "foreign hands" - a line that was immediately picked up and thrown around by clerics and Taliban-apologists such as the Jamat-e-Islami (JI). Others cracked up their own agendas: even after the Tehrik-e-Taliban Pakistan accepted responsibility for the blast, Sindh Taraqqi Pasand Party chief, Dr Qadir Magsi, went ahead and continued to claim that the MQM had orchestrated the entire thing.

Most appreciable was the reaction of the Jafferia Alliance and other organisers of the Ashura rally: not only did they bravely continue with the rally, they also made sure that their statements and actions condemned religious extremism of all kinds. The ensuing support that was rendered to them by all sections of Karachi, proved yet again, the secular nature of this metropolitan city.

An inquiry committee has been formed, and reports are expected soon. One hopes that the investigations prove fruitful, instead of languishing in bureaucratic corridors like the inquiries for May 12 (2007), October 18 (2007), December 27 (2007), and other similar incidents.

Cheap Chinese cell phones may be easy on the consumers' pocket but a strain for law enforcers, who say, phones may facilitate criminals and terrorists -- as they lack an identification number to trace calls.

FIA Director Muhammad Azam Joya says it is close to impossible to track calls made on Chinese knockoffs (of branded cell phones) since they do not have the International Mobile Equipment Identity (IMEI) number. "A phone without IMEI number is a fatal instrument in the hands of criminals and terrorists," he adds.

He says importers of cheap Chinese cell phones misuse the IMEI number of branded cell phones which makes the task of law enforcement agencies difficult.

It merits a mention that business of changing or adding IMEI numbers to other cell phones is thriving in the country. "I came to know about the problem when I was working as DIG. Sometimes an investigation officer finds ten phones having the same IMEI number, making it impossible for him to trace criminals and terrorists," the FIA director says.

Azam adds the import of Chinese cell phones should be regulated and the authorities should ban the import of cell phones without IMEI numbers.

Seconding the views of FIA director, SP Investigation Shoaib Khurrum Janbaz says tracking calls made on branded cell phones is easy, but substandard cell phones make it impossible for security agencies to hunt down suspects. Purchasers of Chinese cell phones are mostly teenagers who want all latest features at an affordable price.

"It's fun to have all the features, plus loud music, at a very attractive price. Nokia E-71 costs Rs 28,500, while its knockoff costs Rs 4,800 only," says Waqar Azeem, a consumer.

"The business of knockoffs is disturbing foreign investment in the country," says Alex Lambeek, Vice President, Nokia, adding all stakeholders should pool their efforts to solve this issue. "Nokia discourages this practice and many plans are in the pipeline to counter the invasion of cheap knockoffs as the firm enjoys over 50 percent market share in Pakistan and is planning to expand its operations. But, if the problem persists it will be difficult for Nokia to make huge investment in the country," he says.

Defending the price difference between branded and cheap Chinese cell phones, Alex says, "Nokia invests heavily in research and development for the benefit of public, whereas importers of cheap phones are only interested in minting money."

An official of Pakistan Telecommunication Authority (PTA) tells TNS on the request of anonymity the authorities are in the process of evolving a strategy to ensure compliance of rules in import of cell phones especially from China. "A number helps identify all calls and gives information about manufacturers. The authority plans to launch a programme to ensure automatic registration of a number with service providers when a Chinese cell phone is first activated," he says.

The PTA official hopes the plan will solve the problem because all GSM networks will identify valid devices and stop misuse of cell phones.

The IMEI has been acknowledged as a mechanism to trace calls in many countries, whereas in major markets of Karachi, Lahore and Rawalpindi, IMEI can be changed, unchecked.

Haji Tauseef Ahmed, an engineer and trader of Chinese cell phones, says only cheap cell phones do not have the IMEI, while most of the phones comply with rules of the PTA or service providers. He says Britain has imposed Mobile Telephones Act to check changing or reprogramming of the IMEI of a cell phone, while in some European countries, including Latvia and Poland, reprogramming of the number is considered a criminal offence.

Supporting the import of Chinese phones, Irfan Mughal, an importer of Chinese mobile phones, says, "The import of Chinese cell phones is a great blessing for consumers because Chinese phones are cheaper than branded phones, and work as efficiently." He further says that knockoffs are available in many electronics markets, and it is nearly impossible to differentiate between branded phones and Chinese replicas.

Law enforcement officials say cheap, unbranded phones were used to detonate bombs in the March 2004 Madrid train attacks.

Mobile phone companies are attempting to fight back against counterfeiters. Increasingly, these brands are putting pressure on the Chinese government to enforce existing anti-counterfeiting laws, and develop new laws to make it more difficult for counterfeiters to market their products.

Since environmental problem has become a global issue, many companies are diverting more and more funds and exploring new ways including recycling to solve this issue. About 80 percent of dismantled parts of Nokia phones are recyclable and reused in one way or the other," says Elizabeth Tanguy, a Nokia manager, who oversees recycling of handsets.

She says their recycling system separates metal and plastic components and puts them into boxes for recycling -- "The most precious metals they contain are gold, silver, copper and aluminium while the unit also isolates toxic components."

Perhaps the way out of the situation is promoting local manufactures -- and keep strict checks on replicas.

Brainy but firebrand Mohammad Ali Jauhar was undoubtedly the epitome of awakening amongst the Muslim polity in the subcontinent during the early twentieth century. He chose a most thorny path to attempt towards his goal – emancipation of the masses in general and Muslims in particular from the clutches of British imperialist rule. From a pedestal of weakness that Muslim proletariat constituted, Maulana Mohammad Ali challenged the tenets of most powerful edifice of British Empire in a fearless expression. His unwavering voice became the symbol that eventually led to political awakening amongst the dejected and disorganised peoples of undivided India.

The mercurial Maulana had many critics who disagreed with his way of politics and social mobilisation. But even his staunch opponents could not deny the merits that raised his persona heads and shoulders above his comrades. A firm commitment to his goal, missionary zeal to change the lot of his fellow countrymen, unparalleled eloquence, wisdom and far-sightedness, unique centripetal charm, self-sacrifice and full application of body and mind to the cause made the Maulana what he was fondly cherished for, then and after!

The illustrious life of Maulana had many dimensions. He was an able leader, an outstanding speaker, emotional political worker and a shrewd observer of the political pulse of the populist followers. Much of his deeds and contributions have been well documented by historians and scholars of the subjects. But his role as a journalist and writer left indelible marks on the society of yore.

The daily Hamdard and weekly Comrade were seen by many as the voice of the Muslim conscience. Archival records may have the original volumes and issues of these periodicals which need to be republished with fresh scholarly input for the contemporary generation. An extremely valuable volume of the great leader is titled as 'My Life: A Fragment'. Edited by eminent researcher Dr Afzal Iqbal and published by National Press Trust, the book is a worthy account from several perspectives. Opening accounts unfold his upbringing, formative years and the various influences that were cast by his mother and peers. It sheds light on the intellectual arguments put forth by the Maulana in support of the struggle for freedom. The Maulana writes about his run-up to what could be called a political leader and beyond. He outlines the contextual and contemporary challenges feud such as the annihilation of Caliphate and rise of hollow nationalism. Like Maulana Shibli Naumani, he also delves into the various dimensions of Islam and its principles as a beacon of light for galvanising the masses.

Maulana Mohammad Ali Jauhar passed away on January 4, 1931. His left over heritage in the form of his actions and written words requires attention of our scholarly breed to unearth hidden angles for the benefit of present and future generations.