Why are nationalists opposing a City Government for Hyderabad?
Hyderabad's move from a district government to a city district government is legally due and necessary. However, despite obvious advantages the proposal remains controversial
By Adeel Pathan
Even though there have been protests against the conversion of Hyderabad District Government (HDG) into City District Government (CDG), most residents of this poorly managed city favour the conversion. Generally, the word on the street is that the conversion will better civic facilities - something Hyderabad's residents desperately want. However, there is still considerable opposition which is rejecting the proposal aimed at enhancing development funding in a city that doesn't even have a basic sewerage system. This opposition is politicizing the issue, forcing policy makers to delay the conversion.

It's true that Nawab Bugti has been a controversial figure due to his fluctuating stances on different political issues but his recent defiance against the military authorities made him one of the most respected Baloch leaders besides Sardar Ataullah Mengal.

It is also true that while Sardar Ataullah Mengal, Nawab Khair Bux Marri, Ghous Bux Bizenjo and Gul Khan Naseer played a pivotal role in Pakistan's nationalist politics under the umbrella of erstwhile National Awami Party (NAP) and immensely contributed in the ouster of General Ayub Khan and Prime Minister Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, Bugti not only remained aloof from the mainstream politics but became instrumental in implicating NAP leadership in the infamous Hyderabad Conspiracy Case in the 1970s.

But lately his resistance against building of cantonments in Balochistan and insistence that the impoverished people of Balochistan have the right to enjoy the benefits of its natural resources followed by his tough stance on the rape of Dr. Shazia Khalid in Sui brought him laurels amongst the Baloch population. After he went into hiding in the unknown mountainous region of Balochistan, he spearheaded a resistance movement that truly inspired the Baloch youth.

With an area that is larger than the combined area of Punjab and Sindh, Balochistan comprises 44 per cent of Pakistan, and enjoys immense geo–strategic importance since it is the hub between South Asia, West Asia (Middle East) and Central Asia and shares 1,173 km–long border with Iranian Balochistan, and 837km–long border with Afghanistan.

It was essentially the strategic importance of Balochistan that brought the wrath of late Shah of Iran against the democratic and nationalist forces of Balochistan in the early 1970s when a democratically elected coalition of National Awami Party was dismissed by the Bhutto government and a military operation initiated against Baloch people in which Iranian gun ships were used.

While history has thrown the Shah of Iran in the garbage of history, the strategic importance of Balochistan has increased manifold, especially after 9/11 when the US President George W. Bush launched the so called "War on Terror," ravaged Afghanistan and Iraq and is poised to attack Iran. This is perhaps because of the reason that Balochistan is likely to be used as a launching pad by the Americans if it decides to attack Iran. No wonder the US administration that portrays itself as the champion of human rights has not reacted over the brutal murder of Nawab Bugti.

Over the years the movement for provincial autonomy of Baloch people has intensified and stalwart Baloch leaders like Sardar Ataullah Mengal claim that the ruthless policies of the Musharraf regime are forcing Baloch people towards self-determination. He maintains that the federation wanted to usurp the natural resources of Balochistan and turn the Baloch nation into a minority in their own province. He insists that the government was pushing the Baloch people towards liberation.

The 76-year-old Mengal who has spent many years in jail points out that the military government of the late General Yahya Khan pushed the people of former East Pakistan (now Bangladesh) towards secession by carrying out a genocide in that impoverished land in 1971 and the present government of President General Pervez Musharraf was bent upon adopting a similar policy of the use of force in Balochistan. The brutal killing of Nawab Bugti could only be termed as a grim reminder in this regard.

Balochistan has huge deposits of natural resources like oil, gas, copper, gold, uranium and non-metallic resources and a vast coastline besides a strategic position that puts Pakistan on the world map. In this regard the importance of Gwadar is worth mentioning that is located on the mouth of the Strait of Hormuz and more importantly, the gas pipeline from Central Asia would pass from Gwadar and the United States is keenly interested in it. More so because there is competition from many countries including Iran which is offering facilities to Central Asian States from Chah Bahar.

Baloch nationalist leaders reject the accusations of Musharraf regime that they are against development. For example Mengal says that if a fishing village like Karachi could be transformed into a mega city, essentially due to internal migration, the Baloch nation would become a minority in its own land. "The land in Gwadar, which was essentially state land, was being sold to outsiders at the rate of Rs 15 million per acre," said Mengal in an interview with this correspondent last year.

After Nawab Bugti's brutal killing, this sense of insecurity has been further accentuated among democratic forces in Pakistan in general and the Baloch population in particular. This insecurity will prevail until and unless genuine autonomy is not given to federating units. The day this is done 'rebels' like Nawab Akbar Bugti will have won their cause. Till that day comes, Nawab Bugti's legacy will live on.

The killing of the founder of Jamhoori Watan Party (JWP) Nawab Akbar Khan Bughti not only caused Balochistan to erupt but the ripples of protest seriously disrupted daily life in Sindh.

As reports of Bugti's killing broke out tens of thousands of people in almost all districts of the province came out on the roads to record their protest and express their rage over the brutal killings. The conditions of Baloch dominated localities in different cities and town of province including Karachi, Hyderabad, Sanghar, Larkana, Jacobabad, Dadu, Jamshoro, Kotri, Thano Bula Khan, Manjhand, Sehwan, Bhan Saeedabad, Johi, KN Shah, Mehar, Radhan and Seeta Road saw the worst kind of protest.

Reports received from different parts of the province reveal that at least 170 vehicles, 12 petrol pumps, three NADRA offices, two police check posts, two banks, one Town Nazim office and another government office were torched by angry mobs in Sindh. Strikes were observed all over the province and for those who didn't observe them, protesters blocked national and Indus highways.

Strict security arrangements were made throughout the province preparing for the inevitable backlash. The police, Rangers and other law-enforcement agencies were put on red alert but it seemed that the situation was out of their control. The severity of protests can be gauged by the fact that the train service, passenger buses and also flights from Sindh to Quetta and other parts of Balochistan were cancelled.

Protests turned into violence in Baloch dominated areas of Karachi, but interior Sindh wasn't far behind. The activists of different political, nationalist parties and community based organizations including PPP, PPP(SB), Sindh Qaumi Mahaz (JSQM), Awami Tehreek, Sindh Taraqqi Pasand Party (STPP), Sindh Mahaz (Zain Shah group), Sindh National Party, Sindh National Front, Jeay Sindh Students Federation (JSSF), Sindh Mari Ittehad and others lodged protest demos through out Sindh. These parties have also announced further protest in the coming weeks, so great is the implication of Bugti's killing.

And it is reaching out to the younger generation too. Students of colleges and universities all over Sindh boycotted their classes and staged demos in sync with their Baloch contemporaries. On the other hand lawyers also took out to the streets and lodged their protest against what they term a 'national tragedy'. Large number of the lawyers of District Bar Association Hyderabad after offering absentia funeral prayers at the district court staged protest demo and condemned the high level military operation in Balochistan.

In many parts of Sindh ghaibana namaz janaza were observed and condolence meetings arranged by different political parties of Sindh to pay respect to those who lost their lives and to discuss the army's indiscriminate action. Nationalist parties and common man in Sindh viewed Bugti's killing as a vacuum in the national politics. Common men as well as politicians are viewing Bugti's killings through the glass of ex-Prime Minister Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto's execution that is still perceived by most people in the province as murder most foul.

Pakistan Oppressed Nations Movement (PONM), a hard collation of nationalist parties of Sindh, Balochistan and Seraiki belt of Punjab comprising of Sindh Taraqi Pasand Party, Sindhi Awami Tehreek, Baluchistan National Movement, Pakhtoonkhwa Milli Awami Party, Seraiki Movement, had termed Bugti's killing as 'a message from the rulers for various political parties, especially the nationalists, that they would face same if they demand their due right'.

Talking to Kolachi, president PONM Sindh chapter Syed Zain said that Sardar Akbar Bugti was national hero of Balochistan and that he sacrificed his life for his people's rights. He rejected government claims and said that Bugti's murder was the motive behind the military operation. He further said Bugti became mark of courage for all oppressed Baloch and Sindhi people. He said that it was obvious from the Kohlu killings that there was "nothing in the stock of the rulers except bullets for those who demand their rights". PONM president further said that Bugti's martyrdom will boost up the nationalist movement in Sindh and Balochistan. He announced a series of protests through out the province.

Veteran politician and Awami Tahreek Chief Rasool Bux Palejo termed the killing a 'dire kind of conspiracy against people of smaller provinces'. He said that this is a historic incident for people of Baluchistan, also for those politicians, who rendered their lives for the cause of poor people in getting legitimate rights. "Bugti was a man of principles, who did not bow before the Government, we, the Sindhi people salute Bugti for his bravery," Palejo said.

Sindh Mari Ittehad, an organization of the Mari tribesmen living in Sindh also reacted severely. Ghulam Qadir Mari, President Sindh Mari Ittehad alleged Pakistan Army for carrying out the worst kind of army operation in Balochistan general and in Kohlu, Dera Bugti and Khetran areas particularly.

Talking to Kolachi, Mari said that during such bitter kind of army operation tens of hundreds of children and women were also killed and several others disappeared by law enforcement agencies. "The Pakistan army is killing the innocent people in Balochistan as they are not apart of this country." He said that if the fight for rights is terrorism than Baloch people could be the 'most wanted terrorists'. He vowed that the ongoing struggle is for the survival and to get the rights over the ownership of the natural resources of their homeland would continue. "We will not surrender easily," Mr. Mari warned. He appealed United Nations and other human rights organizations to exhort the pressure on Pakistan Army to immediate halt the ongoing operation in Balochistan.

Ameer Bax Bhutto, Vice Chairman Sindh National Front (SNF) expressed his annoyance over Bugti's killing and termed it as "most bitter act". He paid rich tribute to Sardar Akbar Bugti and said Bugti was not only the chieftain of his tribe, but also a man of honor and principles, whose "brutal murder" had uncovered the real position of Pakistan's current rulers.

PPP MNA, Syed Khursheed Ahmed Shah has predicted that after the killing of Nawab Bugti, the situation in Balochistan will become worst rather than becoming normal and chances are that Governor Rule will be imposed in Balochistan due to the increasing incidents of violence.

Former speaker National Assembly, Ilahi Bux Soomro has strongly condemned Bugti's killing. He said that situation of province of Balochistan will get worst further after Bugti's murder and would leave its affects on the political scenario and the life of people. Mr Soomro said that Bugti was his friend and there is no doubt about the fact that he was a great nationalist leader. He said that a row of panic would spread in the country after Bugti's killing. He also denied the government's allegations against Nawab Akbar Bugti that he was being provided weapons from across the border. He also warned that the brutal killing of Akbar Bugti could recreate the situation of 1971.

A strong reference from a seasoned politician of to the separation of East Pakistan shows the seriousness of the situation. It is high time that the powers that be realize that political problems need political solutions, not quick fix actions against resistance. The army must not wage war against it's own people. The devolution process started by President Musharraf in cities will not reach fruition till it also extends to provinces. The rights of the Baloch over their own resources is what Nawab Akbar Bugti fought for all his life. It is this fight that struck a chord in the interior of Sindh.

The cold-blooded murder of Baloch tribal leader and chief of Jamhoori Watan Party (JWP), Nawab Akbar Bugti on August 27 during a military operation not only brought life to a standstill in Balochistan but also sparked violence in Lyari and several other localities in the mega city Karachi where ethnic Baloch population have a significant presence.

There was fierce reaction in 1.6-million strong Lyari, known for its vibrant culture and political awareness while the Old Golimar, Pak Colony, Jehangir Road, Malir, Landhi and Gizri were also affected by violent protests. The situation in Lyari that happens to be one of the largest slums in Asia and where in yesteryears slaves brought from Africa and known as Sheedes and Abyssinians known as Habshis were sold and purchased anywhere in the range of five and 500 rupees, registered the toughest resistance against the administration and police had to resort to firing and teargas. The situation deteriorated to the extent that police and Rangers decided for several days to remain on the fringes of the locality to save themselves from the wrath of infuriated mob.

As a result of violence, 12 people, including two policemen, were injured. Later one of the cops died. In the industrial area of Landhi five workers were injured when attempts were made to close the factories. Hundreds of people were picked up by the police while many Baloch activists went into hiding. Manghopir Road that leads to Sindh Industrial Trading Estate (SITE), the largest industrial estate in Pakistan, was closed for several days by the agitators, who burnt tires on the road. Hub Industrial Trading Estate (HITE) that is half an hour drive from Karachi remains closed on a call of four-party Baloch Alliance. More than 200 factories are located in HITE.

The cold-blooded murder of Nawab Bugti was widely condemned across the country and leaders of the mainstream political parties, including Pakistan People's Party and Pakistan Muslim League besides Mutahida Qaumi Movement (MQM) and right-wing religious coalition Muthahida Majlis-i-Amal (MMA) strongly condemned the killing of the tribal leader who has been a former chief minister, federal minister and a member of the national assembly.

Leaders from different political parties on August 29 also offered funeral prayers in absentia (Ghaibana Namaaz-i-janaza) in front of Karachi Press Club which was attended amongst others by MMA leader and Jaamat-i-Islami (JI) Amir, Dr. Meraj-ul-Huda Siddiqui, PPP leaders Qaim Ali Shah, Nafees Siddiqui, Rashid Rabbani, Waqar Mehdi, Habib-Ud-Din Junedi, Zubair Khan of Tereek-e-Insaf; Abdul Khaliq Junejo of Jeay Sindh Qaumi Mahaz; and Amin Khattak of Awami National Party.

The Human Rights Commission of Pakistan (HRCP) also reacted sharply over the killing of Nawab Bugti while the opposition parties gave a country-wide strike call over the brutal murder of the ailing sardar. The message to the Musharraf government went out loud and clear – this is simply not the way to get rid of opposition.

– Shahid Husain

Why are nationalists opposing a City Government for Hyderabad?

Hyderabad's move from a district government to a city district government is legally due and necessary. However, despite obvious advantages the proposal remains controversial

By Adeel Pathan

Even though there have been protests against the conversion of Hyderabad District Government (HDG) into City District Government (CDG), most residents of this poorly managed city favour the conversion. Generally, the word on the street is that the conversion will better civic facilities - something Hyderabad's residents desperately want. However, there is still considerable opposition which is rejecting the proposal aimed at enhancing development funding in a city that doesn't even have a basic sewerage system. This opposition is politicizing the issue, forcing policy makers to delay the conversion.

When the devolution plan was introduced and implemented in 2001, Lahore, Karachi, Peshawar and Quetta were declared City District Governments. It was further planned and mentioned in the Local Government Ordinance that other cities falling under certain criteria would be converted into a city government from district government status through declaring its talukas and tehsils as towns.

However, Hyderabad's status remained unchanged during the local government's first tenure as it did not fit the criteria for declaring it a city district government. Later, the huge district with population of over three million was divided into four districts. Tando Mohammed Khan, Matiari and Tando Allahyar were carved out of Hyderabad for deliverance of basic facilities to their citizens and making concerned authorities accessible to them. Though the division was opposed initially by some quarters but later accepted as political parties realized that the expansion has provided them new constituencies to contest polls from. Every political party fielded candidates from all four districts in the last local government elections.

The elevation of district into city government is indicated in the Local Government Ordinance, 2001 sub section eight. According to which, a city district government can be formed in a district with population of more than a million citizens, where 65 per cent of the population engages in businesses other than agriculture. Since, Hyderabad fits this legal requirement, the district should have been declared city government a long time ago. Addressing the delay, the district government has sent a reminder to the provincial government for Hyderabad's conversion into city government on October 25 2006. The city government of Hyderabad would not be different from the district government as all the talukas will retain their status and would be converted into towns.

Converting a non-issue into an issue and opposing for the sake of opposition has become order of the day in Hyderabad. There is opposition to every step of any government without thinking about its legal status and benefits. So this time around opponents of city government are also divided into various opinions. Some sectors are of the view that the conversion is a good idea but not at the moment when the District Nazim is a Haq Parast candidate, giving the issue ethnic overtones instead of administrative ones. The opponents are of the view that since the Karachi City Government is taking actions against illegal Sindhi villages and demolishing them, the same would happen in Hyderabad. However, the villages in question don't just have Sindhis but also people from other ethnic groups.

The opponents have formed a citizen action committee comprised of few nationalists and some political as well as religious parties. They are, however, not united on the issue as they failed to present a resolution in their public meeting in Hyderabad recently.

As a result of this lack of unity, the conversion is pending. But differences between coalition partners over various issues are not the only hindrance. Internal problems are also responsible for the delay. The four talukas of Hyderabad are also divided over the issue, as Qasimabad and Taluka Rural are opposing city government while Latifabad and City are supporting the formation of city government.

However, the august house of the district, the District Council adopted a unanimous resolution in March 2006 for conversion of district government into city district government for ensuring better deliverance to the citizens.

Defending the conversion, District Nazim Kanwar Naveed Jameel - who would become City Nazim after the elevation of the status - says that this is not a political issue. "Elements opposing the conversion are actually opposing the development process in the district. They are trying to create differences among people speaking different languages," he commented on the ethnic stand of the opposition. He insists that no decision which can affect the peace and brotherhood in Sindh would be taken.

To prove his words, he formed a committee to develop consensus and hold meetings with citizens at the District Nazim secretariat for three days. At the meetings, the citizens were briefed about the advantages of city government and how it was in favor of the citizens of Hyderabad.

According to Kanwar Naveed, Hyderabad's business and trade activities are increasing but despite providing revenue of billions of rupees to the federal government, the city is still deprived of basic water and sewerage facilities. Maximum funding and development of infrastructure is required for provision of better civic facilities - something that can be made easier by the conversion. "We feel that after the conversion, the government would be able to provide basic facilities to the citizens as seeking funds from federal as well as provincial governments would be easier," he emphasizes.

Lashing out at those opposing the conversion, Kanwar Naveed says they are only trying to put hurdles on the development and prosperity of Hyderabad. Adding that these forces have no interest in resolving the problems of masses, he blames their only intention is to create ethnic rifts and divide people on crucial issues like the Kalabagh Dam and National Finance Commission Award.

However, unrelenting anti conversion forces continued their opposition by organising a rally against the conversion. They termed the decision to elevate Hyderabad's status as nothing but a division of Sindh. Previously the opponents arranged an All Parties Conference opposing the formation of city government. The conference adopted resolutions saying that the joining of five highly populated Karachi districts to form one mammoth district of 15 million people, breaking Hyderabad into four districts, opening the Khokrapar route without active consultation of Sindhi people, plans to divide Thatta into two districts and attempts to convert Mirpurkhas into city government are steps justifying the breakup of Sindh at a later stage.

APC was also of the opinion that this designed divide formula was made to settle a non Sindhi population in Karachi, Hyderabad, Thatta and Mirpurkhas to change the demographic composition. According to the APC leaders, this would greatly reduce the indigenous people threatening the national integrity of the country.

The opponents argue that first by dividing and now converting Hyderabad into a city government, the plan is to control land, natural resources, revenue generation, historical and heritage buildings and tax system of the district into a hegemonic control. According to them this is to deprive the locals of possession and ownership of basically what belongs to them. This nationalist paranoia seems unnecessary as at the end of the day the government controls revenue generation and natural resources within a country.

The Conference also felt that the hidden agenda behind the formation of city government is to discourage a genuine movement of Sindhi people for 'structural transformation' from the rural agro based economy to industrial and urban sectors.

Bringing an ethnic colour in development and administrative issues is nothing but opposing for the sake of opposition. Hyderabad's basic problems are civic rather than ethnic. The solution is having an accountable system that works to develop an infrastructure for a much neglected city. The city government will be responsible for taking care of the available resources and development of the infrastructure.

The issue of a much needed conversion of district government into city government is being politicised for ludicrous reasons. Reasons which at the end of the day do not benefit the citizens of Hyderabad, currently forced to live under appalling conditions. One can not help but wonder why these elements are opposing an administrative issue purely in line with the constitution and with democratic norms - something the opposition always desires.

By Sabeen Jamil

Salman Ali is like any other teenaged boy in Karachi – hanging out with friends, playing cricket on the streets, aimlessly roaming around on Karachi streets till late night and picking up a text book every once in a while. This indifference vanishes as soon as he is behind the counters of his fatherís shop in the famed Farzana Lace Centre in Paposh Market. He is not just a care free teenager but a well spoken helpful young man who knows the bundles of dazzling, colorful ribbons and laces in the racks behind him like the back of his hands. At this shop this 18-year-old salesman, with a Shahid Afridi haircut (he idolizes Afridi), is the most sought after by his clients for being energetic, talkative and knowledgeable enough to guide his clientele in their designing. Well acquainted with all the tact necessary for good salesmanship, Salman wins the trust of his clients and, without them even realising, make them buy things they donít need or ask for. An intermediate in commerce, Salman plans to study fashion designing to help his father in expanding his shop where he works part time.

Kolachi: Why a degree in commerce instead of sciences?

Salman: What could have I done with a degree in sciences? (He replies swiftly) I thought maindek kaatna (frog dissection) won't help me in our business so I preferred accounting instead.

Kolachi: Since how long have you been working here and what are your timings?

Salman: I have been working since I was in grade ten, so it has been two years. And I work from afternoon till nine.

Kolachi: Why did you start working so early?

Salman: Firstly, because my father owns this shop and my elder brother too is associated with the work. Watching them all in the business developed my interest in the work as well so I started looking after the affairs of the shop. Secondly, growing up among the Memon community here at work I too have started thinking like Memons and have become as passionate about business as they are.

Kolachi: What is your job here?

Salman: Customer dealing is my basic job. Though I deal with other matters as well like keeping track of the stock at the shop but serving clients and guiding them in designing their dresses with ribbons and laces is what I do basically.

Kolachi: From where do you get your ideas for designs?

Salman: From Indian plays obviously! From catalogues and magazines as well, but principally Indian dramas are the greatest source of inspiration in my work. Earlier when I wouldn't watch dramas women would come to me and refer to XYZ Indian actresses' attire and I would be quite confused. So, I then started watching those plays and women are really satisfied when I tell them to decorate a certain piece of cloth with the lace like Kashish does.

Kolachi: How do your clients behave with you?

Salman: I don't serve everyone (he says haughtily) I have my special clients who are either the women I know or those who are apparently decent and therefore behave accordingly. When I serve them respectfully, they are happy and show respect in return.

Kolachi: Is there anything that irritates you in this business?

Salman: No, nothing. I am never irritated with the customers because no matter how rude they are, after all they are customers. But sometimes it is very difficult to hold my temper when after displaying hundreds of piles of laces; some aunty says, 'I will bring my daughter next time to select some lace.' That really annoys me.

Kolachi: Ever thought of switching to another profession?

Salman: No, rather I plan to pursue it and get a degree in fashion designing. I have to stick to some field to earn a living and this is the best field for the purpose. Any field which has something to do with fashion and women always has a wide scope.

Kolachi: How do you spend your weekends?

Salman: I sleep till mid-day and then either play cricket or go to Sea View with my friends. This is the only place I adore most in Karachi because going there and sitting in some dark corner with my friends watching the sea, relaxes me like nothing does.

Kolachi: Ever thought of leaving the city for good?

Salman: Never! Going abroad or to some other city for studies or entertainment is another thing but I can never even think of leaving Karachi and settling elsewhere. No matter how good a place is, Karachi ki tou baat hi alag hai. This city has no match.

Kolachi: How is it different from other cities?

Salman: Because of us, Karachiites! People here are more humble and respect others duly. That's what makes it so special.

"Why am I chosen for the interview?" was a question he kept on asking throughout the interview. According to him, he is not among those making headlines. Nevertheless, he remarked at the end of our chat that whenever he would turn a page of some newspaper or magazine he would be reminded that he too was once interviewed.

Young Salman has high aspirations and believes that one day after finishing his studies he will be capable enough to turn his father's shop in to a thriving business. Daring to dream and laboring assiduously for its realization - such is Karachi's character.