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diplomacy Yeh Woh Juvenile
injustice rebellion A
real Master
London is
the second home for most of By Adnan Adil Efforts are
underway by the British diplomats to make the PPP and the MQM again join
hands, sources say. This is in While the American and British troops are struggling in their war against al-Qaeda and Taliban in Afghanistan and FATA, they would be at greater risk if a full-scale civil war erupts in Karachi. The British diplomatic mediation in the Pakistani politics is not aimed at addressing only British interests but the American concerns as well. In handling the Pakistani politics, the US and the UK seem to act in unison though mostly the British diplomats do the talking and act as emissaries. Karachi is also important as it is located at the main artery (Arabian Sea) of oil supply from the Gulf to the rest of the world. Further, if Karachi sinks into chaos, billions of dollars invested by the multinational companies of the West will also be at risk. Both the PPP and the MQM are allies of the West and a rift between the two may benefit the Islamists (al-Qaeda, Taliban and their potential allies) - a nightmarish scenario for the Western capitals after the fall of Iran and Afghanistan into the hands of Islamists. On the other hand, the Pakistani rulers and politicians could be quite inflexible in dealing with each other, but they easily buckle under foreign pressures. Most of the politicians have financial interests and properties abroad and they use foreign connections and the Western influence over the country's military establishment for staying afloat in the national politics. Since Pakistan is dependent on huge financial loans and grants from the West, the Pakistani rulers, regardless of who is in power, are obliged to listen to them. In June last, when the PPP
and the MQM parted ways, insiders say, the British diplomats brokered a
rapprochement The foreign influence over President Asif Zardari and Altaf Hussain, who are the final words in their respective parties, proved to be the decisive factor, not the domestic compulsions. The PPP is in majority in the Sindh Assembly and does not require an ally to stay in the government. Earlier in 2007, when the secretary of the National Security Council, Tariq Aziz, was working to strike a deal between Musharraf and Benazir Bhutto, the then British High Commissioner, Sir Mark Lyall Grant, was a regular visitor of his office and was believed to have built the required trust between the two parties. Thanks to his efforts, the first meeting between Musharraf and Benazir Bhutto was held in January 2007 that led to the promulgation of the amnesty law, now known as the National Reconciliation Ordinance (NRO). MQM's chief Altaf Hussain, now a British national as well, controls the strings of his party in Karachi from London. Scores of other MQM leaders and activists wanted in criminal cases in Karachi reside in London. The party funds worth millions of pounds also find their way into the London's bank accounts. How sensitive the MQM is about his relationship with the UK could be gauged by the fact that Altaf Hussain recently complained to President Asif Ali Zardari that two Pakistani federal agencies - Federal Investigation Agency (FIA) and Intelligence Bureau (IB) - had sent some 'misleading' reports about the MQM activities to the British government. Sources say Altaf Hussain's concern arose after the British officials 'informally' questioned the MQM people residing in London in connection with recent law and order situation in Karachi. The British government is said to have been provided with evidence, including confessional statements of suspected terrorists arrested in Karachi and telephone records suggesting involvement of the MQM in violence. Similarly, other key players of the national politics, including Asif Zardari and Nawaz Sharif, have their homes and business interests in the UK; London is their second home. In fact, Hussain Nawaz, the billionaire son of Nawaz Sharif, runs real estate companies in London and owns properties (apartments etc) worth millions of British pounds. The Pakistani politicians keep frequenting London for medical treatment, shopping and political meetings. In May this year, former British Foreign Secretary, David Miliband, called on Nawaz Sharif in Raiwind in which Nawaz Sharif called Miliband a friend of Pakistan. Miliband also praised Nawaz Sharif for "his vigorous efforts to strengthen democracy and the rule of law in Pakistan". Sharif deals with the Western powers mainly through the British diplomats. If the PPP and the MQM fail to join forces, the British diplomacy may gear into action to unite the PML-N and the MQM. That also explains why Nawaz Sharif, who had been hitting the MQM hard for its alleged role in Karachi violence on May 12, 2007, suddenly dropped this criticism and his party announced to work jointly with the MQM in the parliament. caption West is restless over Karachi unrest. It was a breeze for the Jewish and Christian conspirators to get us hooked on Mother’s Day celebration. After all mother is an exalted figure in our religion. God has laid heavens under her feet — only under a Muslim mother’s feet though, the rest can check their own soles for clues but I doubt if they’ll find anything other than random lines and some dead skin. Then came the Father’s
Day, the So and So Day, the Valentine’s Day … we took them all in
eagerly. But wait a Having repented and prayed thus, we have learnt to live with this abomination once a year. We even allow a day each for assorted Western indulgences like cultural diversity, postal services, thalassemia, international justice and so on. It’s merely our policy of reconciliation and a measure of our openness. But we have our own limitations. And we absolutely draw the line above World Sexual Health Day, being observed in some 50 countries today. Fifty or hundred, all these countries are welcome to own up to their impotence. But what has this got to do with us? We are Muslims and for us sex is not healthy or sick, it’s just sex, the koochy koochy a married couple does in a dark room, under the blanket, with their eyes shut. Even if it’s not healthy who’s looking. We don’t buy it. We won’t let ourselves be fooled by Jews all the time. So there won’t be an expert telling us that sexual health is a crucial part of an individual’s wellbeing and a central feature of human development. No one will talk about the prevalence of child abuse in the land of the pure, or state the fact that the abused is likely to become an abuser in later years and so the number keeps multiplying. No scholar will talk about the risks of early marriage and sexually transmitted infections. The statistics of our adolescents learning their earliest sexual lessons from peers or their own experiences with animals and same sex partners, will not figure in discussions. No mention of psychological trauma the abuse survivors suffer for the rest of their lives. There won’t even be advertisements from health and population welfare departments, with pictures of ministers or secretaries and messages of their achievements in the field of sexual health. No one can claim any achievement in any pursuit that has anything to do with sex – even at tax payers’ expense. Governments are trying hard to stop a dozen or so NGOs doing what they do best: harm Pakistan and Islam. These organisations are instructing our children and youth in matters of sexuality. They are making our young think and ask questions. They are making them more resourceful and confident. They are turning them into independent and responsible individuals. How can we sit back and watch? The Islamic caliphate of Punjab should be congratulated to take the lead in arresting this initiative. Programmes run in state and private schools by local NGOs, to impart life skills to adolescents, with the written permission of government officials, are now under threat of closure. The MoU with a local organisation running a life skills based education programme in Multan was recently revoked without assigning reason. A similar project in Gujranwala is suspended for several months while the provincial government completes its enquiry into complaints of inappropriate study material. Another programme in Karachi is on hold on the government advice after two limited-circulation vernacular newspapers ran a dedicated campaign against it. Opposing the mighty NGOs with their Israeli agenda and American money is a minority of conservatives. This minority is very small in size but al hamdo lillah vocal enough to drown out all other voices. It is because of their strength of faith that we feel protected even after being abused. We keep the truth under the covers, in a dark room. In time our children will learn to do that too. masudalam@yahoo.com
The children of FATA could not be freed from the oppressive clutches of FCR through the recent amendments By Khan Shehram Eusufzye The ongoing
military operation in the Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA) and the
increasing trend of militancy Similarly, the recent amendments in the FCR bring too little to cheer about and the horrors of FCR still looms large over the heads of children who willingly or unwillingly come into conflict with the law. Though the amendments seemed to have been a solution to the multi-faceted problems of the region and a major step towards bringing it at par with the rest of the country, the children of FATA could not be set free from the oppressive clutches of the FCR through these amendments. According to a survey conducted by Society for the Protection of the Rights of the Child (SPARC), a total of 112 children were arrested and detained under the FCR in 2010. Usually these children are arrested under section 21 of the FCR which is known as the collective responsibility clause. Under this clause, the assistant political agents (APAs) are given a free hand to exercise their authority of arresting the family of an offender and sentencing them to prison without allowing them to plead their case. This clause has been focused upon in the recent amendments. “We should welcome the amendments as a stepping stone towards the development of FATA, but in reality I am a little skeptical about the reforms made,” say Arshad Mehmood, Executive Director SPARC. “We are having our concerns regarding the formation of the FATA tribunal and the inclusion of a retired judge into the tribunal. What we expected was that the Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa High Court jurisdiction be extended into FATA so that justice could be done to the innocent children detained in the political lockups looked over by the assistant political agents.” He is of the opinion that the invidious position of the assistant political agents, who still will run the offices of both judiciary and executive, should have been curtailed. The amendments further states that children below the age of 16 and women above the age of 65 cannot be detained under the collective responsibility clause. Arshad Mehmood sees amendments as an administrative order as initially it was never a part of the FCR. “How can the government prescribe the age of juvenile to be 16 when Pakistan rectified the rules laid by the UN Committee on the Rights of the Child on October 12, 1990 which clearly indicates that anyone below the age of 18 should be treated as a juvenile and this remains the law for the rest of the country?” Whereas the new amendments are being dubbed as people-friendly and justice-oriented by the government, the federal government renewed the Action in Aid of Civil Power Regulation 2011 which provides the Army with a legal cover for violating human rights in conflict zones. Under these regulations the Army is known to have arrested children under terrorist charges in the past. It is still unknown whether legal aid is provided to those children or are they being tried by any court or not. These arrested children are kept outside the prison system and without the knowledge of the judicial authorities which is a direct violation of the Juvenile Justice System Ordinance (JJSO), 2000. In September 2010, a team from SPARC visited the Peshawar Central Jail and found six boys detained under the FCR. Among them 16-year-old Danish and 15-year-old Kamran recalled that they, along with others, were arrested by the Army from their homes. They were kept at the Surkh Daunt Camp for 45 days where they were exposed to the worst kind of torture during interrogation. When their association with the Taliban could not be proved they were handed over to the Khasadars in Charasadda who kept them in custody for 20 days and then transferred them to the Peshawar Central Jail. Until their transfer to the central jail, their whereabouts were not disclosed to their parents. The JJSO, which was extended to the region in 2004, should be provided with the required setup in order to implement the laws properly. The implementation of the JJSO is impossible without exclusive juvenile courts, probation and parole officers, legal counsel and borstal institution or rehabilitation centres. The JJSO is of no use in FATA until or unless the administration run under the FCR ceases to exist. The UN Committee on the Rights of the Child in its concluding observation of 2009 on Pakistan expressed its concern about the FCR and stated that child rights are not being recognized in FATA and children are being dragged into the criminal justice system. It is important to set the tone right and bring about amendments and reforms which would bring the region under the jurisdiction of the Supreme Court, parliament and high court. By bringing reforms which are in contravention with international human rights, the government is further complicating the already unacceptable law.
rebellion As Gaddafi’s forces seem to have melted away from Tripoli, Imperial nexus may try and send troops on the ground to protect their geostrategic and economic interests By Muhammad Ali Jan That the uprising
against Gaddafi’s regime in early 2011 was almost immediately transformed
into a civil war by the It should instead be taken as a reminder of how truly necessary and yet terribly daunting the task of social transformation and emancipation actually is; since the ‘people’ are never a homogeneous category and even less so in a place like Libya with its mix of tribal and feudal structures (albeit transforming) ethno-linguistic faultlines and not to mention class contradictions, the mandarins of the world (i.e. the core capitalist countries) and their domestic lackeys intervene to channel the energies of the people, carrying several contradictions among themselves but momentarily united by a common goal, into a dispensation that does not damage their interests. Thus, the instant call for transforming what was an uprising against dictatorial rule in much the same vein as neighbouring Egypt and Tunisia, into a militarised rebellion armed with the same weapons by US and Europe that were supplied to Gaddafi a decade earlier and with which he was slaughtering the peaceful demonstrators. As Gaddafi’s forces seem to have melted away from Tripoli in the face of the rebels advance, we may be in for a long and protracted civil war in which the Imperial nexus may try and send troops on the ground, have a permanent military presence in the area and achieve the real purpose of the intervention; stemming the revolutionary democratic upsurge in the region to protect their geostrategic and economic interests. That the Western powers
detest Gaddafi is not hard to understand; while he is merely a caricature of
his former self, he was once a staunch anti-imperialist and Arab nationalist
in the Nasserist tradition who rose to prominence as the leader of a plot
that successfully overthrew King Idris from his throne in 1969. In
conjunction with the Nasserist However, unlike Nasser he was not keen on secularism as his ‘Little Green Book’ signifies, rejecting both communism and capitalism and arguing for a ‘Third Universal Theory’ of Orthodox Sunni Islam; of course, the universality of his theory was highly suspect given that it immediately labelled as ‘reactionary tribalism’ the Senussi religious order of the Eastern provinces (adhered to by one-third of the Libyan population) and from which King Idris whom Gaddafi had overthrown hailed. It simply added to the anger that the people of the Eastern provinces felt against Gaddafi, who was seen despite his nationalist claims to be merely enriching his own tribe and the economy centered on Tripoli. Small wonder then that the city of Benghazi in the Eastern provinces became the earliest flashpoint of the rebellion as well as its first headquarter. As the steam began running
out from his nationalist project, he was given a lease on life by the US
bombings of his compounds which resulted in the killing of his 15-year-old
daughter Hanna. He used the public sympathy he received to usher in what he
termed ‘the revolution within the revolution’, i.e. the increasing entry
of IMF style neo-liberalism into Libya backed by increased penetration of
European capital and the end of the phase of Import Substitution
Industrialisation under Gaddafi. At the same time, Gaddafi also used the
pretext of the Libyan Islamic Fighting group and the Al-Qaeda bogeyman to
extend unconditional support to Bush’s war on terror after 9/11; he had
thus tried to rid himself of his past and become part of the international
coterie of pro-Western dictators, precisely the ones The pro-imperialist overtures paid handsome dividends for Gaddafi and his clan; Free trade enclaves, privatisation of state-owned companies, contracts by international companies going to Gaddafi’s favourites, a doctorate for Gaddafi’s son Saif at the London School of Economics ironically, on ‘Civil Society and Democratization’ which, of course, did not prevent him from ordering indiscriminate firing and aerial assaults on his people. Yet, the vast majority of the population did not see the benefits of this soz-called ‘popular capitalism’. Instead, they saw rampant political and economic concessions to foreign capitals and the enrichment of the few at the expense of the vast majority. It is these multiple reasons arising from the initial promise of the revolution of giving empowerment to the people that united the opposition to Gaddafi which includes several heterogeneous elements; from democrats to Islamists to regionalists and everything in between. If Gaddafi has moved completely into the camp of the international powers and is willing to give any and all concessions to them, why is it that US and NATO moved so swiftly to intervene in Libya, first on the pretext to ‘protect civilian lives’ and then for ‘regime change’? One reason is given Gaddafi’s history of opposition to the West (he had evacuated US and British military bases upon assuming power in 1969) as well as his current erratic behaviour, meant that he could not be trusted as an ally. As Samir Amin, the outstanding radical political economist points out that with Gaddafi the ‘powers that be’ could not be sure of anything; he may switch sides and play the Chinese or Indian card to gain leverage once again. However, the most important reason seems to be that given the nature of the state that Gaddafi presided over, the international powers were worried that they may not be able to control the situation if Gaddafi was indeed ousted from power; since so personalised was the Gaddafi regime, that unlike Egypt or Tunisia where the exit of the dictator still meant, in fact, was necessary for the continuity of the regime, with Gaddafi’s exit they feared a collapse of the regime and its replacement by something which they may not be able to determine the fate of. Thus, the push to buy the opposition with arms and ammunition, the couching of the rationale for the ‘no-fly zone’ (really an aerial assault on Tripoli resulting in immense civilian casualties, something which the intervention was supposed to protect) in humanitarian terminology and lack of any mention of the ties between the European capitals and the Gaddafi regime so that the post-Gaddafi order can be as pliant to their interests as they want. It must be kept in mind that the cause of democracy and liberation is at loggerheads with the interests of pacification of the region, the stabilisation of currency and oil markets and the control of labour and mineral reserves for international corporations. How far will this strange alliance go between those legitimately seeking the overthrow of the dictator and those who keep such dictators in power for their own interests remains to be seen? What is certain is that genuine democracy will only emerge out of a common struggle against both domestic and foreign occupiers and this can only happen if the Transitional National Council (TNC) resists attempts by foreign powers to divide the people and create an inclusive post-Gaddafi dispensation that represents the aspirations of the vast majority of the people (even old Gaddafi loyalists as many have joined the TNC camp) without mortgaging their revolution to foreign powers. The land of Omar Mukhtar has a history of fighting foreign occupation; today is the time to once again draw upon that legacy for a democratic future. caption (Clockwise from top): Rebels celebrate in Tripoli; Liberation Square in Benghazi; National Transition Council moot in Doha. Master Muhammad Ayub is doing what the government could not — revolutionising education by educating downtrodden children By Mansoor A. Rathore Complete
selflessness, perseverance in the face of adversity and unwavering dedication
towards one’s goals are Master Ayub is the perfect example of an individual who had neither ample resources nor ideal opportunities to accomplish what he did — he only had his dedication and passion to guide and support him along the path he had chosen for himself. In his own words, his strategy was “apni madad aap” (doing whatever one can do oneself), expecting nothing for himself in return other than bright, prosperous futures for his students. Born to a family of humble means in Mandi Bahaudin, he had to assume the responsibility of his eight siblings after his father’s death when he was himself just a student. Instead of succumbing to these unimaginable pressures and shirking his family responsibilities, Master Ayub strove tirelessly hard to support his family and himself. He would work during the day and study at night; while teaching his siblings at the same time. This obviously seems so much like the quixotic heroic accounts we all hear in fables and watch in inspirational movies, the only difference being that Master Ayub is very much real. His struggles, however, do not end here. On the contrary, his actual endeavours only began after this. As a volunteer in Civil Defence Islamabad and later a fire fighter in the Fire Service of Civil Defence, Master Ayub was eager to help the community in whatever way he could. He soon found out how he could do that when he observed scores of underprivileged children picking up rubbish in markets or working in hotels because their families lacked the financial means to send them to school. His heart went out to such downtrodden children and he resolved to educate them himself because he understood the immeasurable significance of a balanced education for our country’s youth. It was way back in December 1984 when Master Ayub undertook the initiative to start teaching children in Supermarket Islamabad, purchasing notebooks and stationary for them from his own limited resources. He later went on to establish an open-air school in an abandoned piece of land in Sector F6/3 Islamabad where he has now been teaching for the last 13 years. His school opens in the evening to accommodate those children who are compelled by financial pressures to work during the day and also those children who attend government schools during the day but cannot afford to take tuitions. His students are perhaps the most reliable evidence, if any is required, of his immense contribution to society and his exemplary enthusiasm. During my own time as a teaching volunteer at the school, I found the young students to be extremely intelligent, amazingly energetic, driven by positive ambitions and absolutely eager to learn as much as they could. All of this is the direct result of Master Ayub’s hard work and devotion which is reflected unambiguously in the innocently smiling, confident faces of the many children he has taught, without any discrimination on the basis of caste or creed. Halima, a 13-year-old girl working as a babysitter in a nearby house, was only allowed to study at Master Ayub’s school by her employers at Master Ayub’s insistence and advocacy. She is now one of the brightest students in the school, fluent in Urdu and English and looking forward to September when her employer family will get her enrolled in a secondary school. Pataras is a vibrant 12-year-old boy who aspires to be an international level cricketer. He was encouraged in his aims by Master Ayub who personally accompanied him as a chaperon in different cricket competitions and related sports events. Zafran is a 10th grader who works as a typist in a local newspaper in addition to studying at the school because of all the assistance he received from Master Ayub. These are the children who are so keen to augment their learning that they study in the evening after a complete day of arduous labour when most other children would want to play and relax. And so interested is Master Ayub in the development of his students that he personally finances and facilitates his students’ participation in extracurricular activities that range from art and science competitions to debating championships. Two officials of the UNICEF visited the school one day while I was there to interview the students and Master Ayub. One of them, a Jordanian woman, asked me to translate for her. I found the entire conversation deeply inspiring and even more instructive. Each one of Master Ayub’s students had clear ambitions and goals that they wanted to pursue in life. For some of the students who attended government schools during the day, Master Ayub offered an environment that was more conducive to their learning and scholarship; they talked about how Master Ayub would encourage them to come to school as early as 6 am and stay till 10 pm during the exams session so that they could prepare adequately. They also praised the regularity of the teachers at Master Ayub’s school; something they felt was not the case in many of the government schools they attended. Master Ayub’s face brightened with pride as he saw his students articulate their views confidently and independently. He was even more excited when he talked about the many students who had graduated from his school, many of whom were working successfully in different organisations and some pursuing higher education. The achievements of Master Ayub can hardly be extolled enough here. Even more importantly for us, we realise that with distinguished individuals like Master Ayub, Pakistan’s destiny can be changed for the prosperity of the entire nation. We all need to step forward and support Master Ayub, and many people like him who have served our country selflessly. The immeasurable potential of Pakistan’s youth cannot be allowed to remain untapped anymore. Former South African President, Nelson Mandela asserted in his autobiography, ‘Long Walk to Freedom’, that African children were inhibited not by ability, but by opportunity. The same goes for our exceedingly brilliant youth as well and it is high time that we make sure that no child of our land is restricted by lack of opportunities. Benjamin Franklin, one of the founding fathers of the United States of America, emphasized the importance of education by claiming that an investment in knowledge always reaped the highest interest or reward. He established a charity school in Pennsylvania, USA which today stands as the world renowned University of Pennsylvania. Pakistan requires similar schools that educate the underprivileged classes, many more schools like the one set up by Master Ayub. This is a viable and workable roadmap for revolutionising education in Pakistan and by extension, revolutionising Pakistan itself. The writer is a student at the LUMS. caption Educating the next generation at his open air school.
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continuation of the behind-the-scenes but influential British role in the
Pakistani politics for some time - in 2007 they had brokered a deal between
Gen Pervez Musharraf and Benazir Bhutto.
between the two parties that led to the MQM's Ishratul Ibad returning from
Dubai to Karachi and resuming his work as Governor Sindh. On the other hand,
the PPP ate the humble pie and restored the 2001 local government system it
had wrapped up with much fanfare only a week earlier.
minute, this last mentioned doesn’t sound right. Love has no place in our
culture. It may be tolerated among married couples if they don’t go around
shamelessly holding hands in public, but what have all the young ones got to
do with love and romance? And look at all these enemy collaborators selling
heart-shaped balloons, roses, and chocolates, willing us to love each other
and have fun! What blasphemy, tauba, tauba. This is how conspiracies succeed.
They start innocently enough and end up taking away the faith, may Allah save
our souls.
in the region has increased the number of juveniles in detention centres in
FATA and Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa. The region is being governed through the
draconian Frontier Crimes Regulations (FCR) which is a direct infringement on
the constitution of Pakistan and contrary to laws such as the Universal
Declaration of Human rights (UDHR), 1948, the Covenant on Civil and Political
Rights, 1966, the Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC), 1989 and
Juvenile Justice Ordinance (JJSO), 2000.
intervention of NATO troops in collusion with sections of the anti-Gaddafi
leadership, must not detract either from the brutal character of the regime
and its senile leader (after whom we have named a stadium in our country) nor
from the genuineness of the demands of the people for greater political and
economic freedoms.
rulers, he chose ‘socialism from above’ as the policy of the government
with rapid nationalisation of oil and other key industries, channelised the
oil rents into social welfare, higher wages, housing, healthcare and
education. Again, like Nasser, he would achieve this without independent
political participation of the vast majority of the people — thus, the ban
on political parties, labour unions and ruthless suppression of any activity
not co-opted by the regime itself.
against whom the current uprisings are taking place.
human qualities that deserve to be lauded, to say the very least. These
qualities, and perhaps many more, are effortlessly prominent in the
unassuming educationist, teacher, philanthropist and active humanitarian,
Master Muhammad Ayub.