Indeed, a host of factors has gone into the making of Pakistan. Of prime significance among them were: a fortuitous configuration of forces and events (both natinal and international), the myopic policies of the Indian National Congress, the adroit leadership of Quaid-i-Azam Jinnah, and the massive response his appeal for Pakistan elicited from the Muslim masses across the length and breadth of Indian subcontinent.

However, as I have argued in Quaid-i-Azam Jinnah (1981), by far the most critical variable was Jinnah himself. Of course, the "response" factor was also crucial for the simple reason that without that measure of response, there would have been no Pakistan; but, then, the response itself was the handiwork of Jinnah, since he alone, and no one else, could have elicited that response.
And that response did not come easily, much less simultaneously or uniform from various regions in the subcontinent. Moreover, Jinnah had to labour long and hard; he had to build up unity in Muslims' disparate ranks, step by step; he had to work assiduously for nine long years before he could prepare Muslim India politically, psychologically, and otherwise to a point that it returned an overwhelming verdict in favour of Pakistan during the general elections of 1945-46.
The present article concerns the respective roles of the Muslim majority and minority provinces in building up the final response, the differential in their respective responses at various stages, and their criticality in the final denouement.

The instrument through which the Muslim response to Pakistan was articulated and built up was the All India Muslim League (AIML). The AIML, founded in 1906, gathered strength and momentum within a decade, went into eclipse during the tumultuous, emotion-laden Khalifat movement (1920-23), was revived by Jinnah with the assistance of Fazl-i-Hussain in 1924, became divided into Jinnah and Shafi Leagues over the Muslim response to Simon Commission in 1927, and later into Aziz and Hedayat factions (1933), and was finally re-united under Jinnah's leadership in 1934. The united Muslim League held its first session in Bombay in April 1936, where it formulated its programme and decided for the first time in its annals to contest (provincial) elections, scheduled for early 1937. Despite the lack of an organizational network, of finances, and of an organ to back up its cause and candidates, the Muslim League yet secured 112 (about 23 percent) out of 491 Muslim seats. Its performance was comparatively better in the Muslim minority provinces, but poor in the Muslim majority ones, except in Bengal where it emerged as the single largest party. However, having won the largest number of Muslim seats on an all-India basis, it emerged as the only Muslim party on an all-India plane. Moreover, it could lay claim to the pan-Indian Muslim constituency.

Although three more years were to elapse before the Pakistan platform was adopted at Lahore, the struggle for Pakistan had, in a sense, begun in 1937. these three crucial years represented the predatory stage for launching the Pakistan demand, and had Jinnah not taken the steps transforming it into the authoritative spokesman of the pan-Indian Muslim community, the Pakistan platform could never have been adopted, and if perchance it had, the movement would have failed to take-off. Hence, in the final analysis, the fortunes of the Muslim League at various stags and in various regions provided, as it were, an index to the nature, quantum and strength of Muslim response to the Pakistan demand, whether actual or potential, at various junctures and in various regions.

One reliable index of the strength of the AIML in the Muslim majority and minority regions is provided by the number of League sessions held in the two regions. Till 1937 when the Muslim League was reorganized, 19 sessions (or part sessions) were held in the Muslim minority areas, and 11 in the majority ones, four of them in Calcutta, and the inaugural session in Dacca (1960); (for our purposes, the whole of Bengal and Punjab are considered Muslim majority areas, and not the post 1947 bifurcated provinces). This measure of AIML's strength in the minority areas was also reflected in its showing at the hustings in early 1937.

As Anil Seal has shown, political consciousness had first come to the coastal presidencies of Bengal, Bombay and Madras, and much later and much too slowly to the land-locked provinces of Upper India. This was also the case with Muslims, except for United Provinces which had been the focal point of Muslim politics since the days of Sir Syed Ahmad Khan. For long, Bengali Muslims had, for various reasons, been denied an equitable share in the portals of power, and felt oppressed; that, in part, explains why the Muslim League, often considered the party of the underdog in power terms on an all-India plane, had always shown strength in Bengal much the same way as it did in Muslim minority areas, and as against the predominantly Muslim north-west India.

A strategist that Jinnah was, he was keen to consolidate his gains in the minority provinces and in Bengal before launching the Muslim League further afield. The developing policy of the Congress in these provinces and its posture in Bengal gave him the chance of a life-time which he seized adroitly. The Muslim League entered into a coalition in Bengal with Fazlul Haq's KPP, and in the Hindu provinces, into a headlong confrontation with the Congress. The Muslim north-west (Punjab, Sind and the Frontier), then dominated by provincial notables and parties, could well wait till he had consolidated the Muslim League and made it a comprehensive all India Muslim party vis-a-vis the Congress.

As attested to by both Professors Coupland and Robinson, the U.P. was the "key" province of Indian politics; it was also the province which had provided Muslim leadership on an all-India plane. U.P. also became the test case for the Congress' attitude on the Muslim issue. It was therefore, to be won over for the Muslim League at all costs. This explains why Jinnah for Lucknow as the venue for the 1937 session instead of Lahore where the reception to the League was unpredictable in view of the Unionist ministry under Sir Sikander Hayat Khan.

In the post-1936 period as well, the pattern of League sessions, in terms of their venues, was the same as in the pre-1936 period: five in Muslim minority provinces as against two (Lahore and Karachi) in the majority provinces; (no sessions were held during 1944-47). However, the most important of them were Lucknow (1937) and Lahore (1940). "We are here not to follow history but to create history", declared the Raja of Mahmudabad, Chairman, Reception Committee, at Lucknow. Jinnah himself considered the Lucknow session as "the most critical" in the League's entire history (as of that date), involving "the fate and future of the Musalmans of India, and the country at large". It would however, be superseded by Lahore which Jinnah termed as "a landmark in the history of India". Even so, but for Lucknow, there would have been no Lahore.

In perspective, Lucknow represented more than a turning point in modern Muslim India's history. Here the AIML transformed itself into a democratic organization, declared its entry into mass politics, and added to itself external appurtenances (such as a party flag, an anthem, and a Volunteer corps) which symbolize and entrench the party in the popular mind.

Lucknow also witnessed the adherence of three important regional notables to the Muslim Leageu's ranks. Sir Sikander Hayat Khan, Fazlul Haq and Sir Muhammad Sadullah, the prime Ministers of the Punjab, Bengal and Assam respectively, joined the AIML along with their followers in the provincial legislatures. Their adherence ensured for the AIML a dominant position in the Muslim majority provinces as well, repaired a flaw in its representative status, and transformed it into a pan-Indian party in the real sense of the term.

Lucknow also represented the first break-through to revitalize and reorganize the Muslims. It electrified and enthused the Muslim masses as nothing else had done before. And it produced immediate results. Within three months, some 90 branches were set up and about 100,000 new members were enrolled in the United Provinces along. Within two months some 40 branches were set up in the Punjab, and Begum Shah Nawaz requested affiliation of Punjab Provincial Muslim Women's League with the AIML. The enrollment campaign in Sindh had picked up by February 1938, and a visit by Jinnah was suggested by Sir Abdullah Haroon. Husain Shaheed Suhrawardy assured Jinnah of setting up branches all over Bengal, and Abdul Matin Chowdury reported of the Assam Provincial League gaining in strength. And between 1 January 1938 and 12 September 1942, the Muslim League won 46 (82%) out of 56 Muslim seats in by-elections.

Thus the period between Lucknow (1937) and Lahore (1940) was much too crucial in endowing the Muslims and the Muslim League the "third party" status in Indian's body politic, the other two being the British, and Hindu-dominated Indian National Congress. The struggle during this period was waged chiefly in the Muslim minority provinces except for Bengal, and the Muslims in these provinces served as the vanguard for the battle of Muslim India. The all-India (as against provincial) leadership was also for the most part provided by these provinces. Leaving out Jinnah, who had shifted himself from a Muslim Wind to the Muslim diaspora, the two most important offices, viz., those of the General Secretary and the Treasurer, were occupied respectively by Nawabzada Liaquat Ali Khan and the Raja of Mahmudabad. Again, the attitude of the Congress during 1937-39 was in issue concerning Muslims mostly in these provinces, and the exit of its ministries provided the Muslim League the chance to demonstrate its strength, which it did by observing a "Deliverance Day" on 22 December 1939. And by then the Muslim League had been recognized, though reluctantly, as representing a sizeable body of Muslims, by both the British and the Congress.

But for these developments, which were for the most part confined to the Muslim minority provinces, the Muslim League could not and would not have launched upon the big leap forward: to fashion a permanent platform in Pakistan in 1940. Meantime, thanks to Abdullah Haroon, the Sindh Provincial Conference in October 1938 proved to be a trend setter: for it proclaimed Hindus and Muslims as two distinct nations, and called for "political self-determination" and "full independence" for Muslims.

Interestingly through, the Pakistan goal, despite its being solely concerned with the Muslim majority provinces, did not initially enthuse these provinces as it did the Muslim minority provinces. This may, in part, be explained by the ambivalence of Sikander (Punjab) and Fazlul Haq (Bengal), and the active opposition of the Frontier (Congress Leaders. But if the movement for Pakistan were to succeed, the main centers of Muslim population - viz., Bengal and the Punjab-had to be won over. Indeed, as pointed out by C.H. Philips, The Muslim areas were the key to Pakistan". And Jinnah knew this more than any one else. Hence the Muslim League would now concentrate almost wholly on these areas. The marathon campaign against the Congress' refusal to concede Muslims their religio-political entity in India's body politic during 1937-39 was extremely successful, culminating in the recognition of Muslims as the "third" side in the Indian political triangle. Now the impending battle was against "The traditional provincial politician, with his regional loyalties" in the Muslim majority areas.

In the post-Lahore period, the Muslim League was activitiated in these areas as never before. Such was the mass response that Lord Linlithgow, the Viceroy, reported in January 1941 that "it would be most difficult politically for either Sikander or Fazlul Haq, even if they wanted to do so themselves, to come out against him" (Jinnah) and, by implication, against the Muslim League. And in March 1942 he reported that in Bengal and the Punjab, support for the League was "probably stronger" outside the Assembly than within, and that the Bengal League's demand for a general election after Haq's revolt (1941) was "significant".

This surmise was amply corroborated by primary League and membership figures. Primary Leagues in 11 out of 18 districts in Bengal totaled 1565 in 1944; membership in ten districts stood at 541,170. Sindh claimed some 300,000 members-i.e., about one-fourth of the adult Muslim population -in 1944. Additionally, at the instance of G.M. Syed, the Sindh Assembly passed a resolution in favour of Pakistan.

Despite Khizr Hayat Tiwana's revolt in 1943, Punjab reported a 200,000 membership figure in 1944-45, and the Muslim Students Federation's campaign in rural Punjab under Abdul Sattar Khan Niazi had unnerved the Punjab premier. The Sirajganj Conference (1941) in Bengal and the Sialkot Conference (1943) in the Punjab Indicated how deep a dent had been caused in the strongholds of the traditional politicians, with their regional loyalties.

All these developments would still not have ensured the emergence of Pakistan, but for the massive verdict returned in the general elections of 1945-46. The Congress fought and nail. How crucial was that verdict comes out, inter alias in the voluminous correspondence carried on by the indefatigable Sardar Vallabhbhai Pate (who, though ailing, ran the Congress election campaign so determinedly and so efficiently) with the Congress leaders in the provinces, to keep himself apprised of what was happening in the Muslim constituencies. He was keen on getting all the disparate groups opposed to the Muslim League forge a united front and issued detailed instructions to the provincial leaders about the strategy to be adopted. Though equally keen on getting a negative verdict from each and every Muslim seat throughout India, yet he conceded " the Punjab and Bengal hold the key in the present election... " He told Bhim Sen Sachar, " The Punjab is a key and prosperous province of Pakistan"; indeed, " The Punjab holds the key to the future of India". And he assured Azad about the availability of ample funds to contest Muslim seats in Bengal, Assam, and the Frontier, and wrote to Vazirani and Shidwa about " defeating the League" in Sindh.

In the elections to the Central Assembly, the Muslim League secured all the 30 Muslim seats, with 87.7 per cent vote being in its favour. In the provincial polls, the Muslim League won 113 out of 119 seats (94.95%) in Bengal, 79 out of 86 seats (91.9%) in the Punjab; 28 out of 36 seats (77.8%) in Sindh; and 17 out of 36 seats (47.2%) in the Frontier (but polled more votes than the Congress: 41.65% against 38.34%). More astounding was the vote in Pakistan's favor in the minority provinces; 31 out of 34 seats (91%) in Assam, 34 out of 40 seats (85%) in Bihar, 54 out of 66 seats (82%) in the U.P.; 13 out of 14 seats (93%) in the Central Provinces (C.P), and all the seats (100%) in Orissa, Bombay and Madras.

A breakdown and analysis of the election results, region wise, indicate the following. On the all-India basis, the Muslim League won 87.7 percent of the central and provincial Muslim seats and about 85 per cent of the votes cast in the (contested) Muslim constituencies. In the Muslim majority provinces (Bengal, Punjab, Sindh and the Frontier), its aggregate percentage of seats was 84.5 per cent. More important, the " key provinces' of Bengal and the Punjab had voted overwhelmingly in Pakistan's favour. The league's score in Sindh was flawed due to the post-nomination rebellion of G.M. Syed, but a mid-term election in December 1946 returned a massive Verdict in Pakistan's favor, rectifying the previously flawed situation. The Frontier vote was somewhat disappointing (although not too inextricable because of a host of reasons); but the call for Pakistan really picked up during 1946-47 to a point that in the Frontier Referendum of July 1947, the vote in Pakistan's favor was 99 percent of the votes cast and about 51 per cent of the total electorate.

In the Muslim minority provinces, the aggregate percentage of seats won for Pakistan was 89.9 per cent. The contribution of these provinces is also noteworthy on three counts. First, the major contributions to the League's election fund came from Bombay presidency, the Gujrati Muslim business houses in Transvaal (South Africa) and the Muslim businessmen and merchants of Calcutta while even the Punjab being short of funds to the tune of Rs. 300,000. These donations enabled the Muslim League not only to offset somewhat the Congress' edge in terms of funds (e.g., the Congress allocated Rs. 150,000 for Muslim seats in Bengal and provided for more funds from G.D. Birla, Congress' chief financier), but also to fight the elections successfully in the Muslim majority provinces. Second was the singular contribution of the Ali students during the election campaign in the Punjab, Sindh and the Frontier (as delineated and documented by Mukhtar Zaman in his Students' Role in the Pakistan Movement).

Third, and most important, was the altruism of Muslims in the minority provinces. In voting for Pakistan, the Muslims in the majority areas were voting for power to themselves, but those in the minority areas were voting for power the their brethren in the majority areas. They were, moreover, voting for scuttling the maneuverability and the immense advantage that the inclusion of these areas in an all-India federation or confederation would have provided them, and to offer themselves as scapegoats" for the emergence of Pakistan. And for their Verdict in Pakistan's favor, they had to pay in blood, tears and toil. About one-half million Muslims in the minority areas perished in the conflagration that engulfed the subcontinent during 1946-47 And even to this day fifty eight years after event, they are paying, and that without any painful reappraisals, without any regrets and without any remorse, for their " crime" in helping their co-religionists across the border to have a sovereign state of their own, independent of the rest of residue India. To conclude, then. The contribution of the minority provinces in the making of Pakistan was as follows. They strengthened and consolidated the Muslim League as a pan-Indian Muslim party to a point that it could fashion a permanent platform in Pakistan and call for the division of India in 1940. They provided the initial momentum for Pakistan while those in the majority areas, especially those in the power structures of the Punjab and the Frontier, were lukewarm. They contributed substantially and significantly in terms of experienced and dedicated leadership, funds, and publication of literature, election workers and publicists in the final battle for Pakistan.

Even so, all this would have been of no avail, had the Pakistan movement not really picked up in the majority areas, and had they not responded so massively to the call for Pakistan in the closing years of the struggle. Had they not voted for Pakistan, there would certainly have been no Pakistan? Likewise, had the minority provinces not built up so assiduously the momentum for Pakistan in the initial years or had they voted en bloc against Pakistan, there would probably have been no Pakistan.

Thus, in the final analysis, the majority and minority provinces played complementary roles in the birth of Pakistan, and their respective roles were equally critical. Pakistan was demanded in the name of the Muslim nation in undivided India. By the same token, and as the foregoing analysis indicates, the creation of Pakistan must be laid to the door of each and every Muslim in undivided India.

Since the creation of Pakistan experiments have been made to as- certain the will of the people regarding the reconstruction of national institutions. From time to time, various governments envisaged plans, schemes and proposals, to strengthen and streamline the structure of private and public establishments, according to the emerging needs. However, the process of reformation, during the last so many years, evidently failed to satisfy the national requirements as well as the public opinion.

Once again the nation is passing through the election experiment to be held from 18th of August. The election campaign, with each passing day is gaining momentum throughout the country. In a democratic society, elections are considered as an integral part of the political system, destined to change the government, peacefully, by the majority votes. In the parliamentary system, prevailing in Britian since centuries, the will of the people, ascertained through the ballot, became the beacon of light for the people at home and abroad. Inspired by the peaceful means of transfer of power, many British colonies adopted the parliamentary system for the good governance of their country. Pakistan, being an important part of the British Empire, opted for the parliamentary system, based on British conventions. However, since independence, the country witnessed very many changes in the form and format of the government, mutilating the very pattern of the parliamentary structure. Even the constitution of the country was abrogated, changed, modified and amended to suit the desire of the ruling class.

Now, under the guidance of President Musharraf, new reforms have been introduced to associate the common man with the representative institutions. For the first time in the history of Pakistan the women were granted 30 percent representation in the assemblies. The Local Bodies elections being held on the non-party basis providing opportunity to the honest and capable candidates to contribute their share in the development of healthy society, free from the prevailing corruption. The elections will be a test for the politicians who claim to enjoy popularity among the electorates. In order to hold free and impartial elections, the Election Commission has prescribed a code of conduct to be followed by the candidates. It is a basic requirement of the election procedure, which will strengthen the democratic traditions. During the British rule elections were envisaged to be held in the peaceful atmosphere, free from the intimidation of officials as well as the resourceful and influential candidates. Even the Elections of 1945-46 were considered very transparent which paved the way for the ultimate success of Muslim League's candidates. The electorates were provided opportunity to exercise the right of vote according to their conscience. At this critical juncture, the pressure tactics were vehemently condemned by Quaid-i-Azam who in his press conference at Karachi on 6th September 1945 stated that:

"It would be highly improper for me to interfere or to influence the activities, proceedings and decisions of the Parliamentary Board, Provincial or Central, or for that matter, of any tribunal set up by the League. No inducement can ever be given to any person; howsoever high he may be, in joining the Muslim League. It will be corruption to do so and no honest man can be a party to it."

While discussing the election issues, it must be realized that the destiny of the Sub-continent was decided during the elections of 1945-46. The elections established, beyond any doubt, the claim of the All India Muslim League as the sole representative organization of 10 million Muslims of India. Hitherto, League's assertions to represent the entire Muslim community were disputed and emphatically denied by the Indian National Congress, stressing on its national character, having in its fold the eminent Muslims of various castes and communities, supporting its policy and program. The Muslims belonging to Congress, publicized by the Congress press as 'Nationalist Muslims', invigorated the position of the Congress in the political parlays between the Congress and the League. The government of India too subscribed the Congress views about the Muslim minority.

The Congress forcefully advocated that all the sections of Indian population, desire and demand, a democratic united India, free from the communal exploitation. The British government supported the Congress stance and the general public in England, influenced by the Congress propaganda, treated the Muslim League as a communal organization, struggling to safeguard the interests of upper class Muslims, particularly the landed aristocracy. To achieve the freedom of India, the Congress launched the violent campaign of 'Quiet India' against the Government of India in August 1942. The government suppressed the agitation. In spite of the crackdown on its members, leaders and activists, who were arrested and kept in confinement till July 1945, the party position remained intact, powerful enough to encounter the government against any decision, contrary to its aims and objects.

As regards the British government, although it emerged victorious against Germany and Japan in the Second World War (1939-45), it substantially lost the moral and material capacity to subdue and subordinate the spirit of Indian nationalism. According to political perceptions in England, the Indian circumstances were becoming unfavorable for the government and it would be impossible to crush any violent agitation against the British rule. Consequently, the British government asked Lord Wavell, the Viceroy of India to invite Indian leaders for consultations. On June 14, 1945, Lord Wavell, in his broadcast announced that: " I have been authorised by His Majesty's Government to place before the Indian political leaders proposals designed to ease the present political situation and to advance India towards her goal of full self government." He also announced holding elections saying that: " The appropriate time for fresh elections for the Central and Provincial legislatures will be discussed at the Conference."

Before concluding his broadcast he expressed the noble sentiments:

" Finally, I would ask you all to help in creating the atmosphere of goodwill and mutual confidence that is essential if we are to make progress. The destiny of this great country and of the many millions who live in it depends on the wisdom and good understanding of the leaders, both of action and of thought, British and Indian, at this critical moment of India's history."

The Simla Conference deliberated on the Indian problems till July 14 without reaching any settlement between the principal political parties. Maulana Abdul Kalam Azad, President of the Congress remarked about the breakdown of the conference as:

" ... the position taken by Mr. Jinnah was that the Muslim League on behalf of the Muslim should nominate Muslim members in the new Executive Council. The Congress found that such a position would be inconsistent with its basic national character. "

However, Lord Wavell took the responsibility and announced that:" I wish to make it clear that the responsibility for the failure is mine."He also stated that the general elections would be held in the coming winter.

The elections became the most important, crucial and urgent problem to be faced by the national parties. It was more important for the Muslim League, which was still consolidating its position among the Muslim masses. Sensing the importance of elections, Muhammad Ali Jinnah, before leaving Simla, issued a statement on 16th July, emphasising that:

" Every province and every district must be thoroughly and systematically organized and the result of the elections would be the acid test and the verdict given at the polling booths will be the main criterion by which the solidarity and unity of Musalmans will be judged both in India and abroad all over the world."

He invited Muslims attention towards financial assistance stating that:

"I have not made any appeal for funds since 1942, as there was no need for it but I want to impress upon our people that we do require money now to face these elections all over the vast Sub-Continent of India in eleven provinces as well as for the centre. I hope that my appeal will meet with cordial and generous response."

Thus the President of the League started the election campaign, just after the failure of the Simla Conference. He issued statements, addressed public meetings, circulated appeals, and received numerous deputations, emphasing the importance of the success of League's candidates. On 31st October, he pronounced that " The elections will give a clear verdict on the issue whether the Muslims of India stands for Pakistan or for Akhand Hindustan. It is therefore a question of life and death with Muslims of India. If we are defeated in the elections, then we would be nowhere, but I have full faith in you and, I see clearly that Musalmans of India today understand the issues before them. We have no press, nor financial support the Congress has, but, we Muslims, are politically more conscious than Hindus are, the handicaps notwithstanding."

The election campaign started by the Muslim League stirred all sections of Muslim population. The appeal for funds made by the Quaid demanding that: "Give me the silver bullets and I will finish the job." inspired the Muslims who contributed generously for the election fund. Even the school students devoted their pocket money for the cherish goal of Pakistan. The Muslim women having no monetary resources threw away their ornaments before the fund raising parties in excitement. The students of the Muslim University Aligarh played a pivotal role in the election campaign. More than six hundred students spread away in the far-flung areas canvassing and collecting votes for the ML candidates. They approached Muslims of every walk of life to support the national cause of Pakistan and succeeded in counteracting the powerful material means, employed by the Congress to defeat League's Candidates. The student army found by the League in the election battle, fought pitched battles with the anti-League voters from one corner of India to another. The credit for the success of the League undoubtedly goes to the student community.

Another important factor, which consolidated the position of the League, was the participation of ulema and sufis. The religious divines entered in the election campaign from different sides and changed the nature of elections from the political battle into the religious Jihad. The spiritual element introduced by the religious personages sanctified the struggle and the ordinary Muslim, hitherto reluctant to side and support the League, treating it a West-oriented organization, joined the campaign that decided the future of India. The invaluable support extended by the divines shortened the distance for the realisation of Pakistan.

Eminent ulemas and spiritual leaders such as, Maulana Shabbir Ahmad Usmani, Maulana Abdul Hamid Badayuni, Dewan Syed Ale Rasul Ali Khan of Ajmer, Pir Ladlay Hussain of Gulharga, Khwaja Ghulam Sadeed-ud-din of Tonsa, Sajjada Nasheen of Pakpattan, Syed Ghulam Mohiuddin Chisti of Golra, Maulana Qamar-ud-din of Saeeyal, Pir Syed Jamiat Ali Shah of Alipore, Maulana Syed Fazal Shah of Jalalpur and many more participated in the election campaign. The spiritual leaders directed their followers to only vote for the Muslim League candidates. The Fatawas issued by the ulemas and messages propagated by the spiritual heads created a deep impression that Pakistan enjoyed the blessing of the God Almighty. It goes without saying that without the support of the religious leaders it was nearly impossible for the League to secure cent percent votes in the election of Central Legislative Assembly, which decisively produced favourable results in the Provincial Assembly elections subsequently held in 1946. The contribution of ulemas for the creation of Pakistan must be realised as a most significant factor to be remain a living force in the contemporary history of Pakistan.

-- The author is former Senior Research Fellow, Quaid-i-Azam Academy.

In the sub-continent, there emerged many movements in the 19th and 20th centuries with extensive impacts and aspirations. These movements with their specific endeavor achieved colossal popularity and successes. Pakistan Movement is one of those movements, resulting in a separate state for the Muslims of the Indian sub-continent.

The first brick in the foundation of Pakistan was laid in 712 A.D. when Mohammad Bin Qasim anchored at Debal Port, freed the Muslim women and children from the prisons of Raja Dahir and constructed the first mosque at the town. Quaid-i-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah acclaimed the event in these words: "The Pakistan Movement started when the first Muslim put his foot on the soil of Sindh, the gateway of Islam in India".

Muslims came to the Indian sub-continent as rulers. They were in minority and had a religion different from that of the majority whom they dominated. The locals accepted Islam in large numbers but even then the majority of non-Muslims remained high. The rotten governmental system and characterless behaviour of the last Mughal rulers paved the way for the downfall of the Mughal dynasty. Muslim rule in India was not ousted by the Hindu majority but by outsiders - the East India Company and the British. These outsiders received support from all religious communities, but the most disturbing stage came when the British showed their intention to establish majority rule under their supervision, which was called democracy. This created deep fear among the Muslims who saw their future as slaves of the Hindu majority.

The Muslims of the sub-continent, because of the stigma attached to them for their role in the 1857 war of independence, were groping in the dark. After that, the British provided opportunities and facilities to the Hindus as their allies in every aspect of life, while the Muslims were ignored. The Hindus in turn fully availed this opportunity to harm the Muslims and destroy their culture. The Muslims, however, were aware of the fact that the Hindu majority would overwhelm them. The Hindus were far ahead in the fields of trade, commerce and technology. British-backed Hindus launched many movements to restrain Muslim culture and even their existence and convert them to Hinduism.

For this purpose, the Hindus started a movement to establish Hindi language in the sub-continent instead of Urdu. However, the Urdu language came to birth in the sub-continent in the Muslim era and it was common in Hindus and Muslims. Therefore, there were two main reasons as to why the Hindus detested this language. First, it recalled the Muslim regime in the region and secondly, all the literature of Muslim culture and religion had been translated in this language. In 1867, the Hindus of Benaras started a movement to declare the Urdu language as foreign and demanded to establish Hindi language in the sub-continent.

In 1875, Arya Samaj movement was begun to oust the Muslims from sub-continent. Under this movement, the Muslims were declared "Aliens". Following the creation of the Indian National Congress in 1885, the Muslim leaders saw through the game of this "National" movement and cautioned their people of the hovering hazards. The establishment of Muslim League in 1906 was a challenge to the Indian National Congress. Maulana Hasrat Mohani presented a plan to the Government for a country envisaging two separate states for the Hindus and Muslims. Chaudhary Rehmat Ali further developed this concept. He displayed great wisdom and foresight by putting forth not only a name but in large measure the scheme that ended in the inception of Pakistan. Maulana Mohammad Ali, Maulana Shaukat Ali and Maulana Zafar Ali Khan spread the message of Pakistan through their logical lectures and articles in newspapers.

At the end of 19th century, the Muslims had to face much difficulty to survive. At the same time, they were the target of both the British and the Hindus. At this critical hour, Sir Syed Ahmed Khan guided the Muslim nation and practically took steps to save its status. He equated education with power and declared that the Muslims could improve their political, social and economic condition only through the medium of modern and scientific education. He cultivated the concept of a separate Muslim nation on the basis of religion, culture and history. He inspired the Muslims of the sub-continent to demand a separate homeland where they could arrange their lives and affairs of the State according to the dictates of Holy Qur'aan and Sunnah.

The early 20th century, the period of 1908-1914 was most disturbing for the Muslims of the sub-continent. It was not only the local Indian affairs, which were frustrating them politically, but the activities of the imperialists in the rest of the Muslim world were also a source of much anguish.
The anti-Muslim attitude of the Indian National Congress and other activities goaded the Muslims to become politically stronger. On 30th December 1906, Mohammedan Educational Conference was organised, in which a new political platform was announced for Muslims named "All-India Muslim League".

The Government of India Act of 1909 - also known as the Morley-Minto Reforms -- gave Indians limited role in the central and provincial legislatures, known as legislative councils. For Muslims, it was important both to gain a place in the Indian politics and to retain their Muslim identity, objectives that required varying responses according to the circumstances, as the example of Muhammad Ali Jinnah illustrates. Jinnah began his carrier as an enthusiastic liberal in the Congress. But in 1913, he joined the Muslim League, which had been shocked by the 1911 annulment of the partition of Bengal into cooperating with Congress to make demands on the British. Jinnah continued his membership with Congress until 1919. During this dual membership period, he was described by leading Congress spokesperson as the "Ambassador of Hind-Muslim Unity". Jinnah, with his tiring efforts, brought the two parties on one agenda in 1916, which is called Misaq-e-Lakhnao.
The Muslims of sub-continent observed October 27, 1919 as "Khilafat Day". Khalifat Movement was launched at the end of 1st World War to pressurise the British to accomplish their promise to retain the Caliphate in Turkey. This movement encouraged the Muslims and produced political enthusiasm among them. Muslim clerics started taking part in politics.

In this movement, however, the most outstanding contribution was of Dr. Sir Mohammad Iqbal, the great philosopher and poet and symbol of Muslim nationalism. On his return from Europe in 1908, he started his great task of reforming the Muslims through his poetry. His entire poetry is based on the Qur'aanic philosophy of Islam, by which Muslims, especially the educated, were awakened. Allama also recognised the Two-Nation Theory. He was actually the dreamer of a new Muslim state of Pakistan.

The demand for Pakistan became popular during the Second World War and Muslim community was organised under the banner of the All-India Muslim League. Branches of the party were opened even in the remote corners of the subcontinent. Literature in the form of pamphlets, books, magazines and newspapers was produced and distributed to explain the rationale for demanding Pakistan. With an overwhelming majority of the Indian Muslims now convinced about the imperative need for Pakistan, the entire Muslim population of the Indian subcontinent rallied around the Quaid-e-Azam who under the platform of the Muslim League led them to their dream destination - Pakistan.

It was through the remarkable efforts of our founding heroes and great sacrifice of the associated recruits that Pakistan was created. No one will contend that it was an effort which involved beliefs, tenacity, devotion and unending efforts.

As acknowledged by the Quaid-i-Azam, Mohammad Ali Jinnah, perhaps the very creation of the homeland was easier than its development and preservation.
The creation of Pakistan gave the people a periphery, within which was their homeland where they could exercise their new-found independence. Thus, they had a flag under which they could unite and build a mechanism to acquire the benefits of collective identity. If the creation was a long and arduous process, then to derive the benefits is perhaps even more difficult, entailing an unrelenting contribution of individual effort.

Correct, relevant, and cutting-edge education is the central pillar that can ensure continuity in every aspect. In recognition of this task the Quaid-i-Azam, M A Jinnah addressed the Punjab Muslim Students' Federation (October 31, 1947), and said, "You are the nation builders of tomorrow and you must equip yourself with discipline, education and training for the arduous task lying ahead of you. You should realise the magnitude of your responsibility and be ready to bear it."
In a separate message to the All Pakistan Educational Conference (27 November 1947),
Jinnah pointed out that "Education does not only mean merely academic education..... There is an immediate and urgent need for training our people in scientific and technical education in order to build up our economic life."

This directly refers to the development of values that correlate to dignity of labour. Over half a century ago, the Quaid pointed out that we need to pay "greater attention to technical and vocational education." In another speech in Dacca University (March 24, 1948) he stressed that .... "There is no shame in doing manual work and labour."

Education must provide a suitably equipped workforce for the nation. This can only be achieved if there is a close link between industrial requirements in the measured future and the provision of education today. Jinnah emphasised this when he said "We should see that our people undertake scientific, commerce, trade and, particularly, well planned industries."

While the importance of education was accentuated, it is doubtful that it was fully understood by the people, who misconstrued the broad spectrum covered by 'Education'. Instead, there was continued focus on just academic education, wherein traditional, channelled and dependent thinking did not allow due regard to vocational education.

In many conversations, articles and books, we have discussed educational burdens in Pakistan where we apportion accountability to different organisations; be it the government, private sector organisations, universities or schools. While this may have some credence, it absolves the individual of any responsibility. Therefore, the individual relaxes while the corrective measures are allocated to other parties.

Quaid-i-Azam, M A Jinnah made a speech on 22 December 1947 of which the words are as relevant today. "Despite the progress of civilization, the law of the jungle, unfortunately, still prevails. Might is considered right and the strong do not refrain from exploiting the weak. Self-advancement, greed and lust for power sway the conduct of individuals as that of nations. If we are to build a safer, cleaner and happier world let us start with the individual."

Indeed, let us start with the individual and let us point the finger inwards, to ourselves. But, one can only take initiative if there is creative ability that extends from independent thought; otherwise it is easy to continue repetitive debates that have persisted for so many years. The model of rote-learning has guaranteed the failure to acquire this new thinking. At best, it is possible to reproduce only a percentage of what has been assigned to memory. We may be forgiven for thinking that our teaching experience spans over half a century and, therefore, should amount to something; maybe it is the experience of one day that has been reproduced over the last fifty years.

Independence of mind on a national level can only be augmented through a changed model of education - a paradigm shift from learning by memorization to a real understanding of the subject matter. In other words, instead of just teaching, a teacher is required to help a child to learn. This should be initiated at primary school level and continued throughout the learning cycle.

After considerable discussions on this issue, spanning over many years, the initiation of this cultural change is evident in some schools today. It is clear that this is but a small percentage, but cultural changes never materialize overnight. Some upper grade schools in the private sector are concentrating on this issue and have been successful in initiating this change. The magnitude of this necessary change, from teacher centred classrooms to a student centred classrooms, is immense, and will take much time before concepts are fully understood and adequately practised. Nevertheless, the process has been initiated in some areas, which is one step towards the independence of mind.

Similarly, in the public sector, which comprises the majority of Pakistani students, some efforts are being made to move in this direction. For example, teacher training for all government primary school teachers in Sindh and Balochistan has been initiated through the Education Sector Reform Assistance (ESRA) programme. One of the implementing partners of the ESRA programme, United Education Initiative (UEI) is delivering teacher training in four districts of Sindh, with a firm focus on student centred training. Following full training workshops, a trainer accompanies the participant teachers back to their schools where assistance is provided to ensure that the learned practices are actually implemented. A notable change can be seen in many classrooms.

Again, we should be mindful that the comments above do not relate to a changed educational ethos, but a significant beginning towards that objective.

Education at all levels has a great scope for improvement and, as has been noted above, some work is being done in this regard. As a nation, we have also been looking at other models from the West to update our efforts. This is indeed as it should be as research is one of the key factors in development. But caution is needed to ensure that models are not 'imported' regardless of their application within our society. Sir Syed Ahmad Khan had also pointed out that the progress of the sub-continental Muslims would be hindered if the knowledge of western sciences and arts were excluded. This philosophy did not endorse a total adaptation of the western way of life, but actively promoted the strengthening of religion and cultural together with additional knowledge. In spite of tremendous challenges, he managed to create the Scientific Society in 1864, that translated books from English to Urdu. He founded the Muslim Educational Conference in 1886 and developed the Alighar educational model that started from primary level, but later developed into a distinguished university. His philosophy was to attain knowledge irrespective of its origin, and to avoid alienation from the West. These issues are as relevant today as they were in his time. But perhaps we have transcended Sir Syed's philosophy and paid little regard to the facilitation of our societal, industrial, religious and cultural requirements. As a result, we have models of western and international education that provide a qualification in Pakistan but perhaps are lacking in application to the indigenous requirements. This hinders independence of thought on a national level and blocks the pathway to true liberation.